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(Day of 
Peace 



By W, T. BROWNE 

Author of ** Joy Bells/^ 
** The Lost Faith/^ Etc. 




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Tt)e 

(i)aY of 
Peace 



By W/T. BROWNE 

Author of ** Joy Bells,^^ 
** The Lost Faith/' Etc. 


Printed for private circulation by 
WYNKOOP HALLENBECK CRAWFORD CO. 


New York 
1905 




8 1909 





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PREFACE. 


If the reader of these pages shall contend that we may not mi^ 
up the tenses, present, past and future, as has been deliberately 
done, we shall admit that he is undoubtedly correct from the 
standpoint of Lindley Murray, and by our candor shall hope to 
disarm the criticism. 

But the offence of violating* a rule of grammar is so trifling 
when contrasted with the great good which it is ardently desired 
shall follow, that we have concluded to disregard the law lai(f 
down by the straight and orthodox grammarian, and appeal tO' 
that higher law which recognizes good intentions. 

Desperate diseases demand decisive remedies. Lancet and 
scalpel must be applied to save the patient’s life. The condition* 
is so exceedingly critical that a cure can, will, must be found. 

People generally will not endure a homily. They will admit: 
imagination, because it has the negative virtue of not being 
dogmatic. It is legitimate to draw from imagination, because it 
has no rules except that it is under bonds to conduct its flights 
in a good cause. Its aim must be in the interests of humanity; 
its purpose, to elevate. Otherwise all desirable readers will 
spurn it. 

So when the wise ones charge that this and that are not real,, 
we blandly and with all the innocence of childhood admit the 
impeachment, and place the task of separating the real from the 
unreal on the intelligent and indulgent reader. 

Will it be allowable to compare the political situation to a 
patient who is being treated for an unnatural growth which a 
benevolent surgeon proposes to remove? Against the former’s 
fears, which are needless, because fancied only, the latter feels^ 
reasonably confident that he can guarantee a cure so complete 
that the patient will be better, stronger, than ever. The operation^ 
however, is vitally essential. Will the surgeon be able to convince 
the other and obtain his consent? 

Pride is now the strong man that has possession, that rules the 
world. But there is a force infinitely stronger than pride. Pride 


repels; it bids to hate and kill. Love attracts; it says love and 
live. Love will conquer. Love must reign. Then there will be 
Peace. 


P. S. — The foregoing, with the manuscript of this work, was in 
the hands of a publisher for approval in January, 1905, when the 
terrible tragedy occurred in St. Petersburg — the wholesale 
massacre of unarmed men, women and children, peaceably 
assembled in the public streets. 

The savage and barbaric cruelty, for which there was no 
possible excuse, that took away from all good men any remaining 
sympathy for the Russian dynasty, and the despicable cowardice 
of the higher powers, made the applicability and the plot of this 
book impracticable, rendering its withdrawal from general circula- 
tion, through a publisher, necessary. 

This permits the author in an overflow of candor to take his 
friends into his confidence and to admit that, while written with 
the purest of intentions, a tinge of commercialism had crept into 
his expectations. 

By being relieved of this he feels that he can now ofifer to his 
friends the lines that follow, which have been slightly altered 
from the original, with a regret for what might be, but with the 
hope that in some small measure the effort may aid the cause 
of universal peace. 

The Author. 

Dongan Hills, 

Borough of Richmond, 

New York, 

May, 1905. 


CONTENTS. 


Chapter. Page. 

I The Professor and Marina 7 

II Marina and Augusta 16 

III Gregori of Moscow 30 

IV Peter Sobieski 38 

V The Professor 50 

VI Sophia 59 

VII David of St. Petersburg 68 

VIII Overcoming Difficulties 80 

IX The Informal Repast 88 

X Augusta’s Petition 91 

XI Reform of the Church 94 

XII Prince Alitsyn 99 

XIII Intemperance 103 

XIV Impressions 106 

XV In the East 110 

XVI Peace Negotiations 115 

XVII Overheard Conversation 121 

XVIII The Loyal Legion 125 

XIX The Press 132 

XX Petitions 151 

XXI Justice 156 

XXII Treason in the Air 160 

XXIII Visit to St. Petersburg 166 

XXIV Confessions 177 



CHAPTER I 


The Professor and Marina 

What plummet line may sound the ether sea, 

Describe the bounds of furthest distant star, 

Or measure with its lines the universe. 

So varied, vast, so high, so deep, so wide? 

But greater than the universe is Love, 

Whose power, with golden chains, encircles all. 

ten o'clock on the evening of the 22d day of February, 



1955, by the new style of reckoning, cosily seated in the 


conservatory of the Imperial Palace in St. Petersburg, 


were two people who had contrived to steal away from the gay 
and happy company that thronged the salon on the upper floor. 
The warm air, saturated with sufficient moisture to relieve it from 
being oppressive, gave a fresh vitality to the new comers, who 
were rather jaded by the close, dry atmosphere of the apartment 
they had just left. 

The flowers so fresh, so odorous, were like the first breaths of 
a warm, sunny day in June, as if they, too enjoyed the happiness, 
and were doing their best to make every one glad that came in 
their presence, as they looked up to you in their very sweetness 
and loveliness. You were so touched, so moved by the gracious 
sight, such a supreme delight to the eye in their glowing colors, so 
rapturous to the smell, you felt as if you could kiss each blossom 
one by one. 

Without, a snow-storm was raging in the fierce intensity that 
was so often witnessed in the northern capital. The west wind 
that swept the clouds of snow through the almost deserted streets 
and down and across the bends of the Neva, had spent itself in its 
very fury, and in the momentary lull the blasts from the east had 
gathered up their legions and drove them back, flying, swirling 
in the air. Then to add to the struggle between the forces, the 


7 


8 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


sturdy giant from the north swooped down, and in his mad delight 
caught up the flying flakes and flung them against the eaves, or 
hurled them high above the gilded cupola of St. Isaacs, and 
slapped them in the faces of the few pedestrians who were still 
out, stinging them by their sharpness, so that no matter in what- 
ever direction they were bending their belated steps, there was no 
escape from the blinding storm. 

Admiralty Square, on which the palace was facing, was the 
scene of high revels of the elements, as the changing winds 
alternately took possession, battling to outdo each other in their 
wild rage and strength, now sweeping bare places on the icy 
ground, now piling the driven snow in high embankments, and 
threatening to break through the double windows by which the 
houses were guarded. At length an armistice was proclaimed, 
and silence, peaceful as the zephyr, raised her arms in benediction 
and reigned supreme; for the still falling snow fell so gently as 
not to disturb the quiet and repose, and finally ceased. When, 
from behind the concealing clouds the moon burst out, now nearly 
at its full, each feathered gem lay motionless amidst the vast pro- 
fusion and reflected the light with all the brilliance of the diamond. 

Let us once more return from the keen, icy atmosphere to the 
cosy, genial glow in the conservatory, where the mobile face of 
the Professor seemed to be catching some of the infection from 
without. From the smiles of summer, the storms of indignation, 
the floods of grief were by turns sweeping across his countenance. 
He was an interesting, a very interesting personage; brilliant, 
with fine and lofty ideals. He had studied history till his heart 
ached. His sympathies compelled him to endeavor to find some 
remedy for the intolerable evils he saw around him, some recom- 
pense for the suflfering inflicted on undeserving and unnumbered 
victims. Their wrongs had burned into his soul, until he felt the 
sting, the lash, the torture, swelling the tide of his indignation 
against the tyrants, and sent the hot blood surging through his 
veins. 

Marina had warmed toward him, not so much for his hand- 
some, expressive face, his magnetism, his striking presence, as 
for what she saw in him that was intensely and naturally con- 
genial to her own disposition. 

It was mainly on the latter grounds, though profoundly im- 
pressed with the former, that she found herself admitting she 


THE PROFESSOR AND MARINA 


9 


was sincerely, deeply, ardently in love with him. She honored 
him for his self-sacrifice ; she was all aglow, wrapped up with his 
ideals. 

Marina was one of the salt of the earth. Her impulses, carefully 
and conscientiously trained, led her in the direction of goodness as 
surely as the needle turns to the magnetic pole. To say she was 
beautiful would be to underrate the transcendent beauty that 
shone from her countenance, that shines from all true women 
possessed with lofty ideals. For some women can be dazzlingly 
beautiful while still dominated by selfishness. Marina's was a 
higher style of beauty, because it was associated with a loveliness 
of character and disposition. She was one whom to have seen 
was an education and a blessing, whom to have heard was an 
inspiration, whom to have known was a lifting up into a higher 
life. 

A pessimist magnifying a grievance — how wearisomely trying 
some pessimists with their pet grievances are — always dwelling 
on the imperfections of some of the race, can never have a true 
conception of exalted worth. Preferring to grovel among the 
unsavory elements^ he sees goodness with jaundiced eyes. He is 
satisfied when he can fall back on some despondent, melancholy 
writer who, in view of the depravity that he sees, despairs of his 
brethren, and lacks the faith that sees the ultimate triumph of the 
good. 

In his fear — why cannot he throw away his insensate fear? — 
he imagines he sees a crime in properly appreciating goodness, 
and talks as if by exalting the creature we are encouraging pride. 
He does not realize that as long as we adhere to the truth we 
cannot too highly exalt the stars of humanity. The higher we 
appreciate goodness, wherever we see it, the more exalted concep- 
tion we may have of man's Creator, who endowed him. 

Marina, of course, was an optimist through and through. Every 
drop of blood that pulsated through her veins carried with it the 
joy of hope, glad hope, that never falters, never despairs; hope 
that through defeat witnesses a victory, that above the storm of 
strife sees the haven of peace. 

Marina was filled, imbued, permeated with hope. 

Being made beautiful by the possession of inward graces she 
did not need artificial adornings to appear attractive. Still no 
one is willing to be different from others in a gathering, unless 


lO 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


in the assertion of some vitally important principle. This will 
afford the reason for her appearing in diamonds on this occasion, 
and why a necklace composed of these brilliants interspersed with 
rubies encircled her neck, and others of less significance clung 
around her wrists. Her gown was of rich texture girdled by a 
wide white ribbon around her waist, and above it floated a drapery 
of chiffon, light and airy as a dream. 

Notwithstanding this display there was a conflict going on in 
the mind of the Professor, whether to admire, or not to admire. 
The red rose that glistened from her hair was to him more 
beautiful than either necklace or bracelets. In company he was 
eager that she should be admired. If it was sincerely her choice 
to be thus arrayed, he was too gallant to hint the slightest oppo- 
sition. Otherwise, he was so wrapped up in the graces of her 
person, the loveliness of her disposition, the beauty of her charac- 
ter, that the array of gems only tended to eclipse the charms 
beneath. 

In height five feet five inches, her features would be classed 
after the Greek ideal of beauty. Her forehead was broad, with 
a cluster of light brown hair curving above it; the eyebrows 
straight, the eyes that flashed beneath them, gray. Her cheeks 
were rounded, revealing the light tints of the rose; the lips 
slightly full ; the mouth, enclosing a double array of living pearls, 
was expressive of refinement. Her head was perfectly poised 
on a neck that indicated grace and strength. Her general bearing 
gave the idea of an undoubted individuality, not so much assertive 
as pleasing and attractive. 

Such and much more, an evident and impressive sincerity and 
truthfulness, a strong love of the romantic that distinguishes more 
or less every daughter of Eve, represented the one whom the 
Professor rejoiced to honor, to admire, to love. 

And here it might be explained that through her influence and 
the peculiar intimacy that existed between herself and the Tsarina, 
the Professor had been invited to the palace, where we may expect 
to see him in the later developments. 

‘T am,” he said, ‘‘the happiest man in all the world, and at the 
same time the most miserable. I am the happiest, because I am 
blest with your sympathy, your devotion, your love ; because your 
heart is kindred with my own. To hold your hands in mine, to 
experience their magnetism quiver through my whole being, to 


THE PROFESSOR AND MARINA 


II 


have your warm breath float around me as incense, to feel your 
arms drawn around me close, close to my heart, is like walking 
through the bowers and breathing the air of paradise. 

“But, dearest, I have no right to this perfect bliss when my 
compatriots, my brothers and sisters, are cruelly deprived of 
their liberty, suffering tortures inflicted on them at the will of 
a despot, remorseless, fiendish and unpitying. How dare I 
satisfy my being with this balm, this dear delight, when others, 
who are as good or better than I, are, without a warning, thrust 
into a pestilential dungeon away from the sunlight that streams 
around the prison, and would gladly rush in and fill it with its 
enlivening presence? What right have I to smile, to have one 
moment of happiness, when I cannot help witnessing the woes, 
the griefs, the agonies of others for whom my sympathies stream 
out ceaselessly. 

“I would not mar your happiness, dearest, by allowing you to 
see me sad and mournful, and I could look on you only through 
my tears, when my heart's desire would be to do everything to 
make you happy. 

“Dearest, my heart's beloved, it cannot be. I cannot be a 
traitor to my brothers and sisters in suffering. Because I have 
to cast away your love, because I must go out into the world and 
try to forget you, because I am trying to do the impossible, I am 
the most miserable of men. And yet I must be true to myself. 
I would rather forfeit your esteem, I would rather deprive myself 
of your love, the dearest, the sweetest thing in all the world, than 
that I should prove false to humanity, to the larger brotherhood 
and sisterhood, to whom I owe my allegiance." 

“Still, my heart's own," Marina interposed, “if we cannot pre- 
vent the evils which we know to exist, if we are set powerless 
against an immovable rock, if we find ourselves in a condition for 
which we are not responsible, why should we deprive ourselves 
of the natural consolation that love inspires? When our mourn- 
ing does not help another's grief, when under the circumstances 
it can be only sentimental, and when our dear, suffering ones 
would not wish us to be in misery because they are in trouble, 
why should we sacrifice love, a principle that is stronger than 
sympathy? For suffering is local, while love is universal." 

“But, dearest, it is the hopelessness of our cause that makes me 
so utterly wretched. If I could see any hope, one ray of relief. 


12 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


my course would be different. I cannot be happy while others 
have their bodies tortured, their souls racked with despair, and yet 
longing for a rightful liberty, of which they have been wickedly 
deprived. 

“The cause is too sacred, the issues are too vital, for me to 
attempt to ignore them. I must go away, must plan, must work, 
I must do something to help to stay, to diminish the evils of 
the world. I must leave you even if it wrenches my heart, and 
leaves it mangled, torn, rent with the violence of its emotions, 
and nothing remains except my unconquerable will.’’ 

“Dearest,” Marina interposed, “I could not bear to have you 
leave me unless you promise to return. In that promise I will 
live. It will be my song of rejoicing every morning, my inspira- 
tion every day, my consolation every night. Wherever you go, 
my heart will go with you, longing for your ideals to become 
blessed realities. I shall hope and pray for you always.” 

For Marina had not lost Hope. That darling angel would not 
leave her, but vs^ould remain constant, tender, devoted. She would 
wipe away her tears, would assuage her grief, comfort and console 
her. She would bring her legions of angels to sustain, to bear 
her up, up above the deep waters that were surging about her 
soul— Hope that would finally bring her and her loved ones into 
the haven of peace and happiness and joy. Hope is the offspring 
of Love, Love that moves the world. Love on which the universe 
is built. 

“Out of the gloom,” Marina continued, “out of the darkness, 
Light, the messenger of Love, will come. Tyranny, that triumphs 
in dark places, must relent. Remorse must come to the destroyers 
of liberty. Mercy must assert her sway. Freedom must be a 
reality. Truth will, it shall prevail. 

“The prison doors shall be flung wide open; dear ones be 
restored to their wives, their husbands, their lovers’ arms, out 
into the warm air, out into the sunlight. Even if deliverance is 
delayed, it may come sooner than we expect, when Russia, 
redeemed from the infamy into which she has sunk, and emerging 
from her medieval ways, will move with the rest of the world in a 
natural and inspiring progress, and take her rightful place among 
the nations.” 

Marina’s relations to the Tsarina were peculiar; she had been 


THE PROFESSOR AND MARINA 


13 


the playmate of Augusta, whom Michael had asked to assume 
with him the cares and responsibilities of government. 

Every court in Europe had heard the story of the infatuation 
of Michael, while heir to the throne, with the maiden who looked 
forward to wearing with him the imperial honors; and all won- 
dered what influences she would bring to bear upon his disposition 
and character, whether they would be good, helpful and pro- 
gressive, or side with the reactionaries who were endeavoring to 
keep him in Cimmerian darkness. 

Marina and Augusta were more than playmates, they were 
inseparable friends. Marina had given her girl lover the pet 
name of “dearest.’' They had vowed eternal friendship, a relation 
that nothing should disturb, no change in position should affect. 
They were to be true through evil report and good report. They 
had pledged their faith, their promises, their honor to maintain 
their agreement with each other. They had sealed their trust 
with many warm and tender kisses. 

How sweet these girl friendships are ! How cruelly they often 
come to an end by time and distance, by forming new relations, 
when the old, like dissolving views, fade away, leaving only a 
memory, so comforting, so helpful — memories that live while life 
shall last. 

But the question now, possibly one of world importance, is. 
Will Marina’s and Augusta’s dreams prove real, or will they be as 
fairy tales, as a pretty romance? Will they develop into the 
confidence and the certainty that a reader feels that the hero and 
the heroine of the novel he or she is reading must come together, 
and be happy ever after? 

Does it not so often happen that on a great wave of prosperity 
which lands one of the signatories to the agreement into a high 
station, the other is left in the waters of oblivion ; or when pride, a 
hateful, wicked pride, steps in and cruelly severs the bond of 
friendship? But in this instance what reasonable hope could 
remain with Marina that the one who was her dearest friend 
would, when elevated into the highest pinnacle of rank, be true 
to her promises, to the vows that she had solemnly made? It 
must be remembered that Marina had an intellectual and magnetic 
grasp in which she seemed to hold her friends, while Augusta’s 
deep sense of a true constancy kept ardently alive the former 
friendship. 


14 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


Filled with hope and faith, Marina did not doubt her friend 
would remain true ; and that she did remain faithful is a matter of 
congratulation, for in this interesting friendship centers the peace- 
ful revolution which within one short year shall transform Russia ; 
it may be, transform the nations. 

The Professor had been in a sympathetic reverie ; he had been 
taking on his shoulders, and bearing on his heart, the troubles, 
the trials, the heartaches of his beloved fellows. He was dying 
daily a thousand deaths. 

From this stupor of grief, his companion awoke him. ''Darling 
heart,” she said ; "out of the darkness a light is streaming ; it is 
the dawn of a new morning, a holy day, the reign of truth and 
righteousness, of a glorious freedom. 

"I can see by faith the glad angel heralds of the coming glory, 
and their song is the same old, old, story, sung over nineteen 
hundred years ago, of peace on earth, of good-will, of love and 
joy. 

"It is coming here right in our midst, dear one. We shall see 
it to the rejoicing of all suffering hearts, and we shall be 
satisfied. 

"Although the struggles of humanity against an organized 
despotism are seemingly hopeless, yet we may remember that out 
of the refiner’s fire comes forth the pure gold. Arising from the 
ground, watered by our tears, the flowers of hope may spring, and 
the roses may bloom and fill the air with incense. The very evils 
that torment us may be so turned as to produce good. Then our 
dreams shall become true, our ideals prove realities, our aspira- 
tions fulfilled. 

"Consecration to a principle, a force that lifts ourselves up- 
ward, must bear fruit. You, my heart’s own, have consecrated 
your life to freedom. I have consecrated my life to love. If by 
laying down your life on the altar of liberty you could save 
humanity, you would not hesitate ; and on the altar of love, if my 
life could spare yours, gladly would I lay it down that you might 
live. 

"But, dearest heart, we shall both live to see the work accom- 
plished. We shall behold liberty enthroned. We shall see free- 
dom established in this land of ours. I have a plan ; I have an 
intuition it will succeed. I shall see Augusta. Little by little I 
shall win her over, and through her move the Emperor. No 


THE PROFESSOR AND MARINA 


15 


denunciations will be used ; that would create an antagonism 
which might be followed by a breach of friendship. It will be 
necessary to move cautiously; every step must be carefully 
studied in advance; all the tact that I possess will be constantly 
required. I shall endeavor to perform my work like an artist, in 
order to secure for it the best effect, so that the Empress shall 
be favorably impressed. 

‘'I shall make myself as personally agreeable as possible in 
matters of dress, in the style of doing up my hair, in the scents 
that I use, in an unostentatious deference to her wishes, in a 
solicitous attention to her comfort and her health. 

''I will impress her with a thought of the power she holds in her 
own hands, of the opportunity she has to support the arms of the 
Emperor, of the influence that she can use in favor of liberty, of 
right, and truth and peace. 

‘'Let us imagine the Empress is present here on this stage, 
going through a rehearsal, and you, dear, in the gallery, or en- 
sconced behind some of the flowing draperies.’’ 


CHAPTER II 


Marina and Augusta 


A friend a treasure is 

Above the price of sapphire gems or pearls, 

Or rubies glowing, diamonds flashing light ; 

Who knows me, with me feels, uplifts my soul; 

One brave in storm, rejoiced when fair winds blow. 

And ^neath all skies, all stress, is constant, true. 

IGUSTA entered exclaiming: '‘Oh, this is such a relief to 



throw off for an hour the cares and trammels that state 


imposes on me! Let us be children once again, as, 


garlanded with flowers, we stood beneath the oak trees, or sat in 
cosy bowers weaving those darling fairy tales that had for their 
heroes and heroines kings and queens, and emperors and em- 
presses. And now you shall be ‘Marina, dear,' and I shall be 
what you used to call me — don't you remember when I was 
‘dearest'? — just as it was in those happy days. 

“This parade of sovereignty, its pomp and ceremony, even a 
palace filled with priceless treasures, how gladly would I relin- 
quish all after seeing, beneath the glitter, its hollow shams, its 
unrealities. 

“The honors? What a poor compensation they offer for the 
liberty one has lost. Sometimes I think that our positions have 
been reversed, that the people are the masters, and we who have 
the titles are the slaves. 

“Suppose I am at some function where my presence is indis- 
pensable, and I dare not refuse, and I am ‘Your Majestied' till it 
sounds so empty, and all the while I am tormented with an 
excruciating headache or an aching tooth, that is driving me to 
distraction, till I am ready to consign the well-meaning and well- 
wishing speaker to Moscow or Archangel. 

“The honors and the titles, the emoluments and palaces, these 
we might manage to endure, were it not for the slavery of fear, 


MARINA AND AUGUSTA 


17 


that day and night never leaves us, robbing us of peace and 
happiness. We never for a moment feel a sense of restful 
security. The .cultivated, suave and polished gentleman with 
whom we are conversing may be an assassin in disguise, and 
inwardly planning deadly schemes against us. Even the servants 
that wait on the table, to whom we have been considerate and 
kind, may be in the employ of traitors, working, plotting in 
darkness against our lives. 

‘‘We may be driven at a gallop through the streets that are 
lined with the imperial guards, or whisked in gaily upholstered 
cars along the railroad, protected from end to end by armed 
sentinels, never knowing when or where a mine may be sprung 
beneath the track, or when a bullet or a bomb may complete its 
deadly work. 

“Every day I am trembling to have Michael leave my sight, 
not knowing whether I shall ever see his dear face again. 

“He is so generous and lovable in his disposition, so thoughtful 
and considerate of my comfort and happiness, that it seems as If 
he lives for me and our children. No one, if they knew him 
personally, could wish him any injury. What priceless delight it 
would be if the peacefulness that pervades our home life could be 
a reality in that outer world in which we must go, where we are 
constantly reminded of danger and insecurity. 

“In such intervals of peace that our friends, the enemy, allow 
us to have, I am trying to place together such reasoning power 
as I have left, to think, to contrive how we can avoid the dangers 
to which we are now perpetually subjected, and solve the problem 
of being powerful and yet free. 

“Must we be compelled to take the bitter with the sweet? Why 
cannot we reign by deputy, or retire to a summer palace, away 
from pomp and parade, in some quiet nook in the south, perhaps 
among the hills of the Chersonese, overlooking the Black Sea ? 

“And yet he cannot, dare not resign. That would be a sign 
of weakness. Believing firmly in the divine right of kings he 
must reign. Day by day, he must take up his burden. There 
is no escape.’' 

Augusta would not for anything allow the world to know her 
personal griefs and fears, but she could confide in her friend of 
former days. Her confession imposed a trust, which, by its 


i8 


THE V/AY OF PEACE 


reflex action, brought a degree of peace to her troubled soul. 
Marina longed to comfort her. Now had come her opportunity. 

'There is not,’’ she said, "a pain which you experience, a grief 
that you endure, that I do not feel and suffer with you. If I 
could discover somewhere a panacea for your troubles, I would 
gladly go to the ends of the earth to find it; and when I had 
found it, I would fly to you to lay it at your feet. 

"Augusta, dear, may I be privileged in great sincerity to offer 
some modest suggestions out of the depth of my heart ?” 

"Dear Marina, I wish you would talk to me just as openly, 
without the least restraint, the same as if we were back in the 
garden or the fields where we spent so many happy hours.” 

"And you promise, however candid I must necessarily be, that 
you will not take the slightest offence ?” 

"I promise you, dear, and you shall open your mind freely, and 
I know everything you tell me will be all in love.” 

"Augusta, dear, the case is not hopeless. Where there is 
power there must be a way. Where there is a will it recognizes 
no obstacles. But even with these we must expect a complete 
failure without love that proves itself by works. You recognize 
in the Emperor a personal goodness that appeals to your heart. 
What this virtue means in a family can also be extended to such 
a grand development that it will take into its embrace the whole 
nation. In such a larger, deeper, national life Russia will take a 
new lease of vitality. In such an ideal condition, were injustice 
committed against one of the one hundred and fifty millions 
of this vast country, the feeling which claims for every one the 
inherent right to justice would be aroused, and demand a proper 
satisfaction for the one injured. Does one member suffer? The 
paternal sentiment would be excited, and could not help suffering 
with it. 

"We cannot afford to be blind to the historical fact that our 
country is to-day suffering from the crimes of our ancestors, 
those in high places, who, through the centuries, governed for 
their own pleasure. Without a comprehension of the brotherhood 
of man, of that altruistic principle that worketh by love, they 
abused their power by cruel repression and remorseless tyranny. 
They sowed the seeds of that resentment from which we are 
reaping the evil to-day. Repression has utterly, miserably failed. 


MARINA AND AUGUSTA 


19 


Those on whom it has been exercised were the ones who should 
have received the protection of a fostering government. 

“Let me, dear, give you an illustration from my own personal 
history. 

“Some years ago, when on a visit to a sick relative, circum- 
stances placed under my charge a boy of eight years of age. His 
mother’s health was in such a delicate condition that she did not 
have the strength to undertake his management during the absence 
of the governess; and seeing that I was the only one that could 
assume the responsibility, I volunteered to take him under my 
care. I was warned that he was incorrigible, and given carte 
blanche to use such measures as in my judgment were deemed 
advisable. His governess had threatened to give him up in 
despair, and had only stayed from the importunity of the family 
and an increase in her salary. I saw that he was impulsive and 
strong-willed, but I thought he might be amenable to moral in- 
fluence and quiet reasoning. He reminded me so much of a 
little brother of mine that I could not help loving him, and I 
determined I would rule by love. 

“My resolution was soon to be put to the test. One day in 
the course of the morning lesson, without any provocation, but 
possessed of some spirit of wilfulness, he struck me. I suppose 
he became tired of having to study when he preferred to be at 
play, and had probably acted toward his governess in the same 
manner. I took him upstairs to his room. I immediately kneeled 
down and prayed : ‘Our Father, thou art so great and good, that 
we should not dare to come to thee, but thou hast, through the 
dear Lord Christ, whom thou didst send, bid us come and address 
thee as our Father. And then we know that thou didst intend 
us to understand that thou hadst a great heart of love for all of 
us, for little Frankie here, for his father and mother, and all in 
this house and everywhere. And wilt thou help us to love thee 
more, and serve thee more truly, and forgive us and accept us in 
the dear Name.’ 

“Before I had time to rise, Frankie had bounded toward me 
and put his arms around my neck. ‘Will you forgive me, 
cousin? I was so wicked. And can you love me just a little 
after what I have done?’ 

“ ‘Yes, darling, I will love you a great deal.’ 

“ ‘And you won’t tell my father or any one ?’ 


20 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


‘‘ ‘No, my dear, I will not tell any one.’ 

“Every one noticed the change; they could not understand rt. 
If I had chastised him, even though he deserved a whipping, it 
would have left a resentment. Now I had conquered ; I had won 
his heart. 

“So may the great and good man who presides over the desti- 
nies of this mighty people win their heart and their devotion. 
Then, dear Augusta, you will be emancipated from that thraldom 
that bears down so heavily on your soul, that blights your life 
and paralyzes your nature. Then you will be the freest of the 
free. The people, forgetting their wrongs, will hail the Emperor 
as their friend and benefactor. Wherever you go you will receive 
the popular acclaim. 

“Permit me, in the freedom you so graciously extend, to allude 
to some of the developments that will naturally and necessarily 
follow a reign of love.’' 

“Among the inalienable privileges,” Marina added, “that every 
subject should enjoy is the ‘right of petition.’ To refuse to recog- 
nize the right is, I believe, one of the greatest possible mistakes. 
Yet how often do we read in the foreign newspapers that certain 
petitioners have not been allowed to come near the sovereign, 
have been rudely or cruelly repulsed, and denied the ordinary 
justice of having their petitions forwarded. These may be 
reasonably supposed to refer to some grievance, or rankling 
injustice, from which many loyal subjects had suffered. That 
such injuries were serious may be well understood from the 
distance the petitioners had travelled and the expense they had 
incurred. Then the disheartening hopelessness of their case must 
have driven them in desperation to what appeared the only 
recourse. Or they may have made their journey in the sincere 
hope that when the Emperor had been made acquainted with their 
wrongs, he would afford relief. To realize the bitterness of their 
disappointment at their treatment is impossible. 

“Then such petitions show not only the sincerity and laudable 
perseverance of the petitioners, but also a simplicity of faith in 
the Emperor, and a confidence in his sense of justice. Was he 
not to the country people the ‘little father’? Might they not 
reasonably count on his patiently looking into their wrongs, and 
having the power, would not his great heart supply a fitting 
remedy ? 


MARINA AND AUGUSTA 


21 


‘‘Alexis, one of the ancestors of the Emperor, made it a funda- 
mental policy to invite petitions. It was, he said, the only way in 
which some of his subjects could reach him. Every night he 
went the rounds of his chancellors’ desks to see which ones still 
remained to be acknowledged. 

“In other countries the right of petition is incorporated into the 
constitution. In an independent monarchy it is still more vital 
a necessity. Where there are no national parliaments there must 
be some safety-valve for the pent-up wishes and aspirations of 
the people. 

“The second suggestion I am going to ask to be privileged to 
offer is that the Emperor shall have a firm and absolute control 
of his ministers, among whom he will be the real leader. The 
ministers in too many instances have been the masters. We hear, 
from different sources, of dissensions among them, of a lack of 
harmony, without which there cannot be a successful government, 

“So much has repression been made the rule that they have 
endeavored, and to a certain extent have succeeded, in influencing^ 
the head of the nation. By a systematic suppression of the facts, 
going so far, it is rumored, as having the newspapers that are 
admitted into the palace specially edited for the imperial reading, 
they have kept the Emperor in ignorance of matters it was essen- 
tial that he should know. 

“To secure this control of the ministry we may imagine the 
Emperor inviting Count Duriteski to the palace, when the con- 
versation may possibly develop in this way : 

“ ‘Count Duriteski, you are my adviser, are you not?’ 

“ ‘Yes, your Majesty, one who is privileged to act in that 
capacity in foreign affairs.’ 

“ ‘And while you advise me. Count, I am the one that is 
responsible.’ 

“ ‘That, sire, appears to be inevitable under our form of govern- 
ment, where the head is independent, where in theory, or fact, or 
both, the head is the government.’ 

“ ‘But does it not strike you that there is a slight element of 
unfairness in this arrangement? For instance: You advise in a 
particular case a certain mode of procedure. The arguments on 
which you base your judgment, we will suppose, are defective, 
involving errors in morals or friendly international relations. 


22 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


You are adviser and executive in one. And yet I cannot help 
being responsible. 

'Now it appears to me there is a necessity for a radical change 
in this system. As the centre of the government, it devolves on 
me to have the most intimate knowledge of foreign affairs. For 
how else can I receive the ambassadors of other powers? When 
I have thus become conversant with all details of our international 
relations, m^ experience and judgment will fully qualify me to 
take the initiative. This I have decided henceforth to do. I will 
advise, and I shall look to you to execute. 

" T will illustrate my position by a reference to the system 
adopted by leading newspapers where the editor-in-chief instructs 
the sub-editors as to the subjects he has selected for the leading 
articles, their general tone, length, etc. By this means the har- 
mony prevailing throughout the columns affords the evidence of 
one active, leading and directing mind. 

" T hope. Count, that the arguments by which I have arrived 
at these conclusions will appeal to your judgment as to their 
correctness.’ 

" 'Most certainly, sire. The arguments are clear and logical, 
and in the new relationship I understand that I am no longer to 
be considered as an 'adviser,’ but to assume the more modest 
position of 'minister’. 

" 'You apprehend the situation correctly, Count, and I hope 
to retain your services in the altered conditions. Your adminis- 
tration in the future will be the reflection of my views in all 
important matters. I will give you the tone of every communica- 
tion which goes abroad from your department, leaving you to 
elaborate the details.’ 

"In this way the mastery could be quietly and completely estab- 
lished, and a similar course could be pursued with regard to the 
other ministers. Some of the reactionaries would necessarily 
have to be weeded out and dismissed. No opposition should be 
permitted, even if drastic measures have to be taken. 

"Russia must be brought in line with the civilization of the 
century, and that speedily. She cannot exist alongside of pro- 
gressive peoples without catching something of their aspirations. 
Hundreds of years. behind the times, groveling in the medieval 
twilight, she is the greatest anomaly of the present age. How 
better can her resurrection be accomplished than through the 


MARINA AND AUGUSTA 


23 


agency of some master mind, some benevolent autocrat, who will 
himself initiate the reforms that are so vitally needed, who will 
extend and amplify freedom in its fullest form, and inaugurate 
that peace which is the nation's greatest need ? The condition of 
the agricultural interests is deplorable; the people are dissatis- 
fied ; the demand for liberty is extending ; it is only a question of 
time when these demands must be met and conciliated. 

‘'But you start objections? That means there are difficulties 
in the way, hindrances that may appear insuperable. But do we 
not see every day difficulties overcome? What we were unable 
to perform yesterday we may be able to accomplish to-day. The 
greater the problem, the more zest in solving it. What a joy 
reigns in the consciousness of the adventurous traveller as he 
places his feet on the summit of some lofty mountain untrod before 
by his fellow men ! Shall we be behind the pioneer in courage, 
in perseverance, in fortitude, in strength of will? 

“The real question is not. Is it difficult? but. Is it desirable? Is 
it right ? 

“Augusta," Marina resumed, “I must tell you frankly and 
candidly, that the truest, fairest, most impartial witnesses in 
matters connected with this government are to be found in 
foreign lands, those born in an air of freedom, raised with the 
innate conception of constitutional and religious liberty, who, 
hating oppression with a consuming indignation, speak of ‘Dark- 
est Russia' as a synonym of tyranny, of cruelty in its most revolt- 
ing forms ; who see in its inhumanity the cause of the unnatural 
condition of this unhappy country. The authorities have sowed 
their terrors, and as a natural result they have reaped the terror- 
ist. Without prisons for political offences, without Siberia, a 
name to be blotted out, when Russia, regenerated, shall emerge 
from her darkness, and be renamed ‘Liberia,' the world would 
never have seen or heard of a terrorist association. And when 
you consider for a moment the crimes against humanity in the 
incarceration of true men and devoted women, whose only offence 
is a pure and inborn love of freedom, can we wonder at the 
reaction that is evidenced in the active opposition to government 
by the sons, the brothers and sisters of the suffering victims and 
their emphatic protest against wrong? 

“When the government by its cruelties and its oppression 
has driven its discontented subjects into foreign countries, there 


24 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


to be a menace to law and order, is it not an amazing wonder 
that every free government should have failed to utter its protest 
against the tyranny that was the sole cause and origin of the 
nihilist; and, casting aside the etiquette of courts and acting in 
the interests of a common humanity, demanded of Russia that its 
whole system shall be altered/' 

''Marina, dear,” Augusta here interposed, "is it conceivable that 
we could have consented to endure the affront, and pardoned the 
breach of the proprieties that do not permit one nation to interfere 
with the internal regulations of another?” 

"Then,” Marina replied, "they might plead the law of self- 
preservation and argue that the claims of humanity have the 
first lien on all governments, however exalted their rulers, or 
however sensitive to foreign criticism. 

"And if we had meekly submitted to the humiliation and the 
degradation which we by our folly and crimes have invited, and 
promised the reforms that would do away with the evils of which 
they complained, would we not make the severest reflections on 
our own lack of wisdom, of our blindness in not ourselves taking 
the initiative, when we had not only the opportunity but the 
power, and nothing was lacking but the will to execute it ?” 

"In that event,” the Tsarina replied, "having cleared our skirts, 
we should send a deputation to certain Western States with a 
petition, signed by a million people, pleading with our good friends 
there on behalf of humanity and in the cause of right-doing to 
cease the intolerably cruel, the outrageously wicked, the inex- 
cusable barbarity of lynching, often without a trial, sometimes 
without proof of guilt. If Russia is a century behind the age 
then are these perpetrators of fiendish crimes four hundred years 
behind. The eagle, screaming its peans of liberty, the country's 
orators prating of freedom, while the world is horrified at scenes 
that fiends might weep to witness, would make representations 
from such quarters absurdly inconsistent, especially when with 
their proud boasts these States form the single, solitary nation 
in all the wide world where such cruelties are enacted.” 

"Marina resumed: "Why should incentives be needed to urge 
the reforms that are so essentially indispensable to the country's 
well being ? Russia is sick ; she is needing a physician, one with 
nerve and skill qualified to provide a remedy. It is a case of 
extreme urgency. The parasites of repression are gnawing at 


iM ARINA AND AUGUSTA 


25 


the vitals of the nation ; they must be eradicated. She is low down 
in the scale of intelligence. Over ninety per cent, of the popula- 
tion are illiterate ; they must be educated and lifted up. 

‘‘They have been poisoned by the fetid atmosphere of the 
dungeons ; they must be brought out into the pure air of freedom. 
The gain would be infinite. A sense of security hitherto unknown 
would be experienced by rich and poor. Instead of rancor and 
jealousy, good-will would be everywhere manifest. The unrest 
of fear and distrust would be replaced by confidence and harmony, 
in place of the spectre of war, the Angel of Peace would wave her 
benedictions, and love would crown all — Emperor and peasant, 
priest and artisan — in one embrace. 

“No one need suffer in the change. The throne by taking the 
lead would be immeasurably strengthened ; a new devotion more 
sincere, because more intelligent, would take the place of the 
abject, unreasoning feudal sentiment that so extensively prevails 
in the country districts. The terrorists having no grievance on 
which to maintain their agitation would join the ranks of the 
industrials, and become loyal citizens. 

“The worst enemies of Russia are not those who behind prison 
bars are powerless for evil, nor those adjudged to be dangerous 
characters, hunted by the ubiquitous police for political theories. 
The worst, because the most dangerous, are those who, sitting 
at the councils of their sovereign, persistently oppose his plans 
and purposes of peace and righteousness — reactionaries, who are 
thrusting the country back into the vortex of barbaric despotism, 
chief and foremost of whom was Von Plehwelskoff, the arch 
enemy, the evil genius of his nation. It was such as he who 
furnished the discontented with weapons for fighting against law, 
and invited and gave vigor to the assassin's knife. Hiding behind 
the imperial mantle of the ruler whom he claimed to represent, 
he left the sovereign with the responsibility, while his was the 
unseen arm that struck the blow at freedom. His was the double- 
edged sword that on one side not only wounded the victims of his 
relentless persecutions, but struck a blow at the reputation of the 
head of the government, making him a target for the critic's 
pen, and the hatred of the subject." 

Readers of history will stop to raise the question : Why did the 
well-disposed sovereign permit the enemy of the people to inter- 
fere with his desires to govern mercifully? They will not be 


26 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


satisfied with the explanation that while the Emperor had un- 
limited power he was to a certain extent under the influence of a 
bureaucracy. That means that his power was at the same time 
limited and unlimited, which is absurd. If he was limited was not 
his power limited by those he appointed? Were not the office 
holders creatures of his appointment? And could he not at any 
time withdraw from them his favor? The claim that he was 
restricted cannot be satisfactorily accepted. He has the oppor- 
tunity ; he must accept the responsibility. 

The government of Russia is described as an autocracy. It 
is a government modified by the power outside the throne which 
the ruler allows to influence his actions. 

It is customary with regard to the limitations that hedge the 
Tsar to hint that there are certain personages — and report men- 
tions their names — who so impress their dominance on the mind 
and imagination of the autocrat, that in reality they constitute the 
power that governs the nation. That there is a strong government 
is incontestable ; it is evident in the vigor, the relentlessness with 
which it pursues the terrorists, and at the same time thwarts 
every attempt peacefully made by progressives to secure the free- 
dom which is the rightful heritage of every man. 

If other personages than the monarch govern, their rule is 
only in his name and by using his personality as a shield to 
enforce the propaganda of a cabal. 

But should the Emperor grow restive under control, should he 
assert himself, should he exert his will power, should he detef- 
mine to hold the reins, then it would be manifest that the usurpers 
were only shadows. If the shadows were so powerful, what limit 
could there be to the sway of the real monarch ? When the sleep- 
ing giant, bound by the lines which the liliputians had woven 
around his person, awakes and snaps the threads, when he rises 
to his feet and stands strong, resolute, alone and free, where then 
is the power that can thwart his purpose or interfere with his 
designs ? 

If the aim of the autocrat is to rule in the interests of his 
subjects, if his purposes are good, and good only, if he sets his 
ideals high, ruling in love, if his power is exerted on the broad 
principles of Christian altruism, then what endless possibilities 
for righteousness are within his grasp! 

And why may not all this be concentrated in the person of one 
upright, conscientious, powerful monarch who will bless his 


MARINA AND AUGUSTA 


27 


country, whose name will be praised in all lands, impressed upon 
the hearts of countless myriads and engraved upon the enduring 
marble by a grateful people. The world has been cursed with its 
Neros, its Caligulas. Why may it not be blessed by those who will 
shine as stars in the firmament, as Christian sovereigns intent only 
on administering their trust in accordance with Christian prin- 
ciples of love to God and to their fellow men ? 

'‘The strongest stimulus,'' Marina continued, "that can be 
offered to one in whom the will power needs to be developed and 
strengthened is the example of some great leader famed in historic 
annals, and none appeals to me so forcibly as that of Hannibal. 
Remembering that his times were before the Christian era, we 
must not allow his military career to bias our judgment as to his 
motives or his character. He was born in an age when virtue 
meant courage, and men were held in esteem in the degree in 
which they were physically brave. But the Great Teacher has 
given us a higher standard. He has condemned war in his 
precepts, which, carried out, would make all wars impossible. 

"Making allowance for the period in which Hannibal lived, we 
may imagine him at Cartagena in Spain, marshalling his hosts, 
numbering one hundred thousand men, with the definite object 
of transporting them to Italy, there to attack the strongest power 
in the world. He could not convey them by water, for Rome 
held the control of the intervening sea; he could only move by 
land. To a man of ordinary courage the suggestion would have 
been condemned as presenting so many obstacles, so many diffi- 
culties, as to be impracticable. Even now, as we read the record 
of the wonderful achievement, its close alliance with the im- 
possible startles us like a tale of Scherezade in the Arabian Nights. 
Behind the discipline of the force was the indomitable will of the 
leader, who knew no fear, who would allow no hostile arms, no 
forbidding walls of nature to interfere with his progress. Scat- 
tering the foes who attempted to obstruct his movements in the 
north of Spain, he swept to the foot of the Pyrenees, where many 
were appalled at the forbidding prospect. And well they might 
be. The difficulties seemed to be insuperable. 

"But no thought of retreat for a moment entered into the mind 
of the commander. 'Forward!' was the order; and cheered by 
his magnetic courage, the army pressed on and climbed the rugged 
ramparts that frowned so ominously above them. With what 
infinite patience and perseverance, through what weary stages 


28 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


they toiled up the heights ! But at last they reached the summit, 
and saw beneath them the blue waters of the Mediterranean. 
Descending to the plain, a long and tedious march brought them 
to the swiftly flowing current of the Rhone, where enemies were 
gathered on the opposite side to dispute the progress of the 
invaders. 

‘'How he bridged the river and dispersed his opposers is faith- 
fully told by the Latin historians of a later day. 

“But now the army had approached the crisis when the difficul- 
ties might well deter the stoutest heart, as the Alps seemed to place 
its emphatic ‘No’ to the further advance of the brave men who 
had already started to scale the heights. But to the intrepid 
leader there was no obstacle that he could not surmount. ‘On, 
on !’ was repeated through the long and narrow files into which 
the army was stretched out. 

“Its adversaries had already climbed the heights above, and 
hurled rocks on the adventurous pioneers, who still made headway 
in the unequal combat, while many of their number were hurled 
to destruction in the ravines below. 

“Still ‘on’ and ‘on’ was the electric mandate that revealed the 
imperial will of the chief. Above the clouds, buffeted by the 
fierce storms of snow and ice that chilled numbers to their last 
sleep, they struggled on and upward. 

“Nothing, it seemed, could stay their progress. At last, through 
rifts in the clouds, they saw outstretched before them the object 
they had set out to accomplish ; and when they had descended the 
southern Alpine slopes and stood on the Italian plains, they had 
accomplished the hitherto impossible, and the reader of history 
knows that the events would never have been recorded on its 
pages save for the dauntless courage, the sublime will power of 
Hannibal, who imbued his army with a force, a power, kindred 
to his own. 

“Turning from the lesson to the object we cannot speak lightly 
of the difficulties that surround the sovereign, that he will need 
to overcome in the development of his purpose to ameliorate the 
condition of this unhappy country, as shown in the formidable 
system of bureaucracy that is arrayed against reforms, in the 
hostile influence of the titled class, including foes in the imperial 
household. 

“But all these are trifles compared with the heroic feats that the 


MARINA AND AUGUSTA 


29 


Carthagenian commander imposed upon himself and his follow- 
ers, and successfully accomplished 

Then came the question : “How shall we manage to impress the 
influence of the African general on the mind of the Emperor?'' 
Marina proposed that she should work a book-mark with the 
word “Hannibal" woven in with her hair. There were natural 
objections to this plan, and the Empress suggested that she would 
make the book-mark, using her own hair for the name, and place 
it in a book he had in the course of reading. With the curiosity 
thus aroused, a fitting opportunity would present itself in which 
she could suggest the lesson to be drawn from the life of Hannibal, 
and of what could be accomplished by a power similarly exerted. 

Naturally she would be drawn to enforce the conception from 
the superior law of the Gospel. Hannibal fought to humiliate 
and destroy his enemies. The Emperor's purposes were to ele- 
vate a whole people into a higher life. And when the Divine 
Master, in grand and impressive hyperbole, presented the figure 
of removing mountains, he gave the idea of an almost boundless 
capacity for mighty deeds that was within the grasp of the 
Christian disciple. 

The intense interest that Marina had been taking in the mighty 
problem of providing a remedy for the evils under which the 
empire was suffering, had awakened a corresponding emotion 
in the heart and mind of the Empress. Her self-possession, that 
had never deserted her for a moment, her calm consciousness in 
her own sincerity, the decisive strength of her position, her 
devotion to her country, her contagious hopefulness, her convinc- 
ing arguments, all combined in an accumulative force to win over 
the illustrious listener to her cause. Added to these a persuasive 
magnetism completed the chain of influences that held the Tsarina 
a pleased and willing captive to her ideas. 

This was the first of a series of deeply interesting conversations 
extending over a period of several months, all of the same char- 
acter, argued from different standpoints and centering on the 
leading idea of the boundless opportunities within the grasp of 
the benevolent ruler. 

So the Empress must in turn influence the Emperor and the 
two together, with God helping them, must effect the peaceful 
revolution that shall redeem Russia. 


CHAPTER III 


Gregori of Moscow 


Conservatism shuts the mental eyes 
Against new truths; as if the limitless 
Could be conceived or grasped by little souls; 
To outward symbols clings, the shadow grasps, 
The spirit loses, lets the letter guide. 

And tries to fit child’s garments on the man. 



EN months later than the events recorded in the previous 


chapters, or, to be more exact, at lo a. m. on Thursday, 


October 13, 1955, when Russia was at war with the allied 
forces of Japan and China, who had risen in arms against their 
ancient enemy, Gregori, the Metropolitan of Moscow, was sum- 
moned by special courier to St. Petersburg to appear at the Im- 
perial Palace. Grateful for the high honor, he bade his valet 
prepare and pack his newest canonicals, in which most fittingly to 
approach the presence of the lord of all the Russias, and on the 
afternoon of the same day, with the single afore mentioned at- 
tendant, he set out on his eventful journey. 

He realized it was eventful, for although his first impulse was 
to value the invitation as a kind and gracious act of his superior, 
a misgiving more than once stole in between his self-congratula- 
tions as to the developments that might possibly ensue. Was it 
possible that some report, mendacious or even true, but in some 
way derogatory, had reached the ears of his august master, and 
he was now called to the imperial bar to account for what he had 
or had not done? In this event, if he were called to explain some 
incident that had escaped his memory, would it be possible that it 
might cause a prejudice which would militate against him? And 
might it not be difficult, when suddenly confronted with a com- 
plaint, to make a complete, a convincing refutation? Had he, he 
asked himself, used his high office in every instance so scrupu- 


30 


GREGORI OF MOSCOW 


31 


lously right and just as to avoid giving offence to the religion 
which he preached, and was understood to practise ? 

Dismissing these pessimistic drawbacks, for which he con- 
gratulated himself there were no just reasons, at least that could 
come under the notice of so exalted a personage as his Imperial 
Majesty, his spirits were decidedly buoyant as four days after 
his departure he was ushered into a spacious and magnificently 
furnished room in the palace, with the announcement, in a strong, 
well-modulated voice, ‘^Gregori, the Metropolitan of Moscow.’’ 
Besides himself, there were three others in the apartment, toward 
whom he approached with many bows. 

The three personages were Michael the Emperor, Augusta the 
Empress and Prince Alitsyn the Secretary, who all rose in honor 
of the exalted office of the high dignitary in the Greek Orthodox 
Church. 

After sundry gracious inquiries by their Majesties as to the 
health of his family, the Emperor .opened the subject for which 
they had asked the presence of their friend and brother from 
Moscow, and to which he had so promptly responded, by remark- 
ing that his beloved consort had taken a great interest in prisons. 
So they both thought that no one could be found more capable 
than himself who could enlighten them as to the prisoners, their 
needs, their rights — for even prisoners have rights, which must 
be respected — their families, their plans, their hopes, their expec- 
tations. Then by direct question he asked : ''What can you tell us 
about them? What remedies can you suggest? We are taking it 
for granted that you have informed yourself through your assist- 
ants as to their condition, and that you have made personal and 
systematic visits to those we are accustomed to speak of as the 
unfortunates ?” 

The Metropolitan colored and stammered: "I have not, your 
Majesty, made personal visits to the prisons. I have considered 
it beneath the dignity that becomes my prominent position in 
the Church to soil my robes by coming into contact with the 
vile and depraved.” 

"But,” the Emperor intimated, "in the administration of the 
laws and the penalties against their' infraction, it is always pos- 
sible, and sometimes quite probable, that there are failures in 
what is intended to be J'ustice; that there are cases where con- 
victions have been obtained through false evidence, through pre- 


32 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


judice or revenge. It may happen through a difference of opin- 
ion or religious belief, where a conscientious scruple that should 
have exempted a prisoner from any just charge, has been mag- 
nified into a crime against the Church or against the State. Have 
any cases of the latter class come under your immediate notice 

'‘Not that I can recall, your Majesty.’' 

"Prince Alitsyn,” resumed the Emperor, "may I ask you to 
read an extract from the Moscow Gazette of Wednesday, Octo- 
ber 5, 1955.” 

The Secretary immediately arose, and in a clear, distinct voice 
read : 

"At ten o’clock yesterday, the attendants and spectators at 
the chamber devoted to public trials were surprised at the sud- 
den and unexpected appearance of the Metropolitan of Moscow, 
attended by two priests, all dressed in the robes of office. The 
tapping of an electric bell was almost immediately followed by 
the entrance into the courtroom of two turnkeys, bringing be- 
tween them a man of scholarly appearance, well dressed, tall, 
and with a quiet dignity that could not be assumed, but was felt 
to be naturally inherent. 

"The judge, with a preliminary remark that it was unusual in 
his experience to have one of so distinguished presence brought 
before him for trial, asked his name. 

" 'Peter Sobieski, your Honor.’ 

"'Your occupation?’ 

" 'Schoolmaster, your Honor.’ 

" 'Peter Sobieski, you are charged with unbecoming behavior 
yesterday on the streets of our beloved city that is prejudicial 
to the interests of the loyal subjects of the Emperor, and no less 
a person than the Metropolitan, who was himself a witness of 
your conduct, has come here to this court to prosecute you.’ 

" 'Will your Eminence kindly state the case?’ 

"The Metropolitan, without rising from his seat, testified: 
'On the previous day, on the occasion of the procession to the 
cathedral to pray for the success of our arms in the war 
against the unenlightened heathens in the East, as the icon was 
upheld by a priest, immediately in front of the carriage of which I 
was the sole occupant, and every one stood with bowed and un- 
covered head as we passed, one man alone — the prisoner whom 
I now and here identify — stood with shoulders brazenly erect 


GREGORI OF MOSCOW 


33 


and covered head, as if for the very purpose of defying the religi- 
ous sentiment of the community/ 

'Prisoner,’ interrogated the judge, 'what have you to say 
to the charge?’ 

" 'Your Honor, whatever the appearance might have suggested, 
there was no intention of disrespect to his reverence. From con- 
scientious principles I exercised my right to decline to bow to 
the image as it passed, and I hope that the Court will respect 
my motives.’ 

"This modest and evidently conscientious request seemed to 
find favor with the judge, and had the prosecutor been someone 
less prominent, he might have dismissed the case with a repri- 
mand. But the Metropolitan on being asked to suggest the proper 
course, whether to accept the disclaimer or leave the Court to 
pass sentence, arose and said that the offence, irrespective of the 
intention, was a serious one, that it tended to bring religion into 
contempt, and the impression on the by-standers must be taken 
into consideration in moving for judgment. 

"The judge, desirous to avoid alienating so great a personage, 
turned to the prisoner, with the remark : 'I cannot, with a proper 
respect for religion, act against the conviction of its representa- 
tive, and however opposed I might be on merciful grounds to 
deprive you of your liberty, I sentence you to six months’ con- 
finement in the common prison.’ 

"The bearing of the prisoner was so faultless during the trying 
procedure that the by-standers, however much they disproved of 
his conduct, could not avoid feeling their sympathies irresistibly 
drawn toward him.” 

The Empress was much moved as the reading progressed, and 
was indignant at the miscarriage of justice^ her feeling being 
more especially intensified at the too evident prevarication of the 
prelate. 

The latter had not seen the report in the Gazette. It was not 
in the paper that he patronized, and he had not calculated that 
such a minor matter had already reached the ears of the Emperor. 
Must it be said that when he was asked in the earlier stages of 
the inquiry if he was aware of any such case of conscience, that 
he distinctly remembered all the details, the outlines of which 
were reported in the Moscow paper, and that, knowing and 
remembering, he had deliberately and wilfully sacrificed the 


34 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


truth — in other words that he had lied? Yet such, if it be a 
paradox, was the truth. 

With unconcealed disapproval, it might be truly said that the 
gracious smile that was ordinarily seen on the face of the 
Empress was replaced by an ominous frown, as she turned to the 
Metropolitan, and demanded to know why he had not admitted 
such a case of scruple for conscience sake when the Emperor had 
given him the opportunity by asking him the direct question? It 
could not have escaped his memory, she added, because it was so 
recent, and it must have made a strong impression on his mind 
from the remark of the newspaper’s reporter that his appearance 
at such a trial was unusual and startling to the habitues of the 
court. 

The mortification of the Metropolitan at being thus exposed in 
a deliberate falsehood, for which no possible excuse could be 
framed, not even forgetfulness, he could only say: 'T humbly 
admit that I yielded to the impulse of the moment, and am utterly 
and unspeakably ashamed of my conduct, especially that the 
offence should have been committed in the presence of your 
Majesties.” 


''Order No. i.” 

The Emperor, addressing the Secretary, requested him to call 
up by telephone Constantine Podobski, the Minister of the In- 
terior, with instructions to telegraph to the governor of the prison 
in Moscow to despatch immediately to St. Petersburg, Peter 
Sobieski, schoolmaster, convicted and sentenced Tuesday, October 
4, 195s, for irreverent conduct in the streets, and to allow him to 
send a letter to his family stating that his presence was desired 
by the Emperor, and assuring them that no injury would befall 
him. 

By a supplementary telephone call the Minister was instructed 
to again telegraph to urge haste and advise Sobieski, on his 
arrival in St. Petersburg, to call first at his office, bringing with 
him a letter from the governor of the prison in Moscow identify- 
ing him, and to provide security against re-arrest. 

Simultaneously a letter was addressed to the Minister, a copy 
of which as usual was made on the palace records, as follows : 


GREGORI OF MOSCOW 


35 


'The Palace, St. Petersburg, October 17, 1955. 
the Honorable Constantine Podobski, 

'^Minister of the Interior, 

"Sir. — Immediately on the arrival of Peter Sobieski from 
Moscow, I desire that one of your subordinates shall take him in 
kindly charge, drive him in a carriage to an outfitter, select an 
elegant suit, thence to a hotel where he can have a bath and 
refreshments. Having made him comfortable, I desire that he 
shall be taken again to your office, when it is my wish that you 
will personally bring him to the palace, with announcement by 
telephone of your departure. 

"Urging on you prompt compliance and acknowledgment, I 
have the honor to remain, on behalf of the Emperor, 

"Alitsyn, 

‘'Secretary'^ 

On receipt of this the Minister was the maddest, the most 
indignant man in all the capital. What! he in whom ran noble 
blood, he the Minister of the Interior, the power behind the 
throne, that he should be instructed to act the part of a common 
constable, and convey a prisoner to the palace ! Stop ! could this 
be a forgery ? Could it be concocted by some nihilist with intent 
to disgrace him? He looked at the handwriting and examined 
the paper on which it was written. Possibly it was. But then 
the telephone message, was that, too, a fraud? That must have 
been genuine, that did not admit of doubt. 

Then it sent him into a profuse perspiration in noticing that his 
orders peremptorily required an immediate answer. 

So he concluded to pocket as much of his pride as he could 
for the occasion, and dictated a letter, to wit : 

"Office of Minister of the Interior, 

"St. Petersburg, October 17, 1955. 
'*To his Highness, Prince Alitsyn, 

"Sir. — I have had the honor of receiving your commands of this 
date, which shall be obeyed. 

"On the arrival of Peter Sobieski, I shall have the further 


36 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


pleasure of notifying you, also as soon as he will be ready to 
proceed to the palace. I beg to subscribe myself, 

‘‘Your obedient servant, 

“PODOBSKI, 

''Minister of the Interior T 

Even then the servant of the Emperor was planning, scheming 
how he could best avoid carrying out his personal part of the 
contract. The reader will notice that he purposely avoided 
stating that he himself would accompany the prisoner, and had 
deliberately written “he’' for “we.” 

In the interim of securing the presence of Sobieski, an adjourn- 
ment was now suggested to the Metropolitan, with an invitation 
to be present on the Wednesday following, at the same hour and 
place, the Emperor instructing him to strictly avoid giving any 
reason for his visit to the city. 

In due time the schoolmaster arrived in St. Petersburg, was 
taken in hand by a subordinate, who happened to be a fellow 
countryman, a Pole, who could only tell him by a pressure of the 
hand that he wished him well, such was the state of espionage in 
the detective-ridden city. 

And now had come with Podobski the crucial hour. His 
Majesty had been so desirous as to the safe arrival at the palace 
of the Moscow prisoner, that he had requested the Minister to 
see personally to the safety and delivery of his charge. What 
difference, he asked himself, could it possibly make to the 
Emperor if the same subordinate who had piloted him round 
the city would also continue to carry out his trust by proceeding 
with him to the palace? The subordinate could state, if he were 
asked, that his chief had a headache or was indisposed. That 
would be too transparent. Then he would excuse himself on 
having made an appointment with the Governor of the Caucassus. 
That might be even worse. He might hire a man to knock him 
down on the street as he entered the carriage, but the man might 
play his part too vigorously. So this device was vetoed. At last, 
driven to desperation, he resorted to strategy, and summoning 
a trusted attendant, quickly whispered his instructions. A few 
minutes later, as the Minister was about to get into his carriage, 
a casual passer-by might have noticed that he fell, apparently 


GREGORI OF MOSCOW 


37 


seriously injured. This gave the aforesaid attendant the oppor- 
tunity to call for help to take the prostrate Minister inside and 
lay him on a divan in an inner apartment. 

In the meantime, the deputy who had played his part success- 
fully, was deputed to drive to the palace with his trust, and to 
make the proper apologies for the absence of his chief. 

This development had been anticipated as a possibility, and 
when it was seen that the Minister had not responded in person, 
the Grand Duke Borexis was immediately despatched on a flying 
trip to bring Count Podobski, nolens volens, to the imperial 
presence. 

The Emperor, as may be imagined, had matured his plans with 
an intent to humiliate the Minister of the Interior. By making 
him the personal jailer of a prisoner, he would be compelled to feel 
the subordinateness of his position. Behind polite phrases and 
gracious requests, he was determined to let his advisers realize 
that they were his dependent servitors, and he their master. 

The Grand Duke, on reaching the chamber of the Minister, 
found him being fanned by an attendant, and vainly imagining 
that he was thwarting the purpose of the Emperor, thus saving 
his own pride and dignity. A wise king, nearly three thousand 
years ago had written, ‘Tride goeth before a fall.^’ If he thought 
he could hoodwink his imperial master he was soon to be 
undeceived. 

Despite of pleading injuries and that it would not be safe to 
leave the apartment, the Tsar's representative called for assistance, 
and knowing his rank, it was not refused, the Minister being 
quickly hustled into the conveyance waiting for him. 

But here an unforeseen incident happened, for they were 
scarcely gone a hundred yards when a runaway carriage was seen 
coming down the street, causing the Grand Duke’s driver to stop ; 
and forgetting about the plan and purpose to nurse imaginary 
bruises, the Minister was seen to nimbly alight and run in the 
direction from which they had come. 

In a short time, however, before any collision occurred, the 
driver of the approaching vehicle had gained control of his horses. 
The Grand Duke’s carriage was at once turned back, and the 
Minister being overtaken, entered this time without assistance. 


CHAPTER IV 


Peter Sobieski 

How circumspect the king must be, how true, 

True to himself, to law, to God, to man. 

When light, “the fierce white light beats round the throne” 

And when no stain or blemish is revealed. 

When ruleth he with royal law of love. 

How great the honor, and how great the king! 

I N the meantime Peter Sobieski had been ushered into the 
presence of the imperial pair, where the reader will expect 
to see the two others noted in the previous chapter. 
Conscious in his manhood, believing that nothing could degrade 
him as long as he was true to himself, he held his head erect, 
and as he advanced^ when bidden in all kindness, he appreciated 
the graciousness with which the command was uttered, and with 
profound bows to the Tsar and Tsarina and respects to the 
Metropolitan, whom he recognized, and to Prince Alitsyn, he 
stood before their Majesties. 

All present could not help admiring the man. Descended from 
a line of Polish kings, his chart, tracing his ancestry for six 
hundred years, was his proudest possession. 

His kingly bearing was apparent to the company. He stood, he 
walked, he sat, a king. Not the least abashed by the splendor of 
the appointments, he answered the questions that were put to 
him with such an easy but unaffected grace, respectful but not 
servile, manly, without a trace of insolence, intelligent beyond 
the attainments of any one present, without any assumption of 
pedantic pride, his beautiful modesty and polite deportment pro- 
claiming him a gentleman, who would be perfectly at ease in any 
assembly. 

In the preliminary small talk — for titled people indulge in such 
privileges as well as other mortals — the Emperor asked the 

38 


PETER SOBIESKI 


39 


schoolmaster about his family, Sobieski responding with such 
appreciative tact as at the start to make him a favorite. 

The Empress, giving the schoolmaster one of her gracious 
smiles, asked him on what ground he objected to paying respect 
to the icon, assuring him that he could answer with the fullest 
freedom, and that no advantage would be taken from any expres- 
sion he felt constrained to make. 

Replying, Sobieski quietly stated, as if he was giving lessons to 
a class in history, that if he could not conscientiously approve of 
such ceremonies, he would perform no action leading any one to 
suppose that he believed in or condoned them. He had not been 
in the line of the procession with any intent to give to such mani- 
festations even a silent disapproval, but if it could be proved that 
there was such a thing as chance, then his presence at that time 
and place was purely an accident. < 

He had such a high conception of the privileges, the endow- 
ment, the honors that were showered on man, a being bom to 
greatness, to abounding possibilities, to infinite improvement and 
advancement, that he could not be induced to perform an act 
that would tend to belittle or degrade himself. It was not pride, 
or anything approaching to it, that gave him such an exalted 
conception of a true manhood. It was rather a deeply ingrained 
gratitude to the Creator and Preserver of all for his ceaseless 
beneficence, for the multitude of his thoughts to man, for his 
invitations to come up into a higher life. But most of all he was 
profoundly moved by the thought that Jesus Christ taught us 
that God was our Father, that he invited our love, that he 
watched over us with brooding tenderness. With this ever 
present consciousness, how could man degrade himself by acts 
of devotion to an image? When God was in our hearts, how 
could we forget him? What need did we have for outward, 
clumsy reminders that would carry us away from the true 
conception of the Divine presence ? 

Besides, he continued, that whatever religion was, it must be 
reasonable. If what was taught as religion was not upheld and 
enforced by reason, it could have no place in any true religious 
system. Such true greatness was bestowed on man with the 
crowning gift of reason, that he may not hide the divine talent 
under a bushel, but was privileged to use it to his highest 
advantage. 


40 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


For the Empress, this plea, naturally and enthusiastically made, 
won her heart and judgment. ^ Sobieski stood upon a plane on 
which it was impossible to look without acknowledging that he 
was in himself a realization of that greatness for which he argued 
and pleaded. 

Then turning to the Archbishop, the Empress, with a trace of 
austereness, desired to know by what authority the use of the icon 
was originally permitted. 

With an assumed humility, but with an offensive dogmatism, 
the Metropolitan replied that it had the sanction of the Church; 
that the fathers in their great wisdom had approved of it ; that it 
would be disrespectful to their memories to question its propriety 
or its continuance. It would be like attacking the foundations of 
their holy religion to encourage anything like a disrespect for 
such emblems. What the Church taught must be infallibly right, 
and any interference with her prerogatives would recoil on the 
heads of the iconoclasts. 

‘^But, your reverence,” the Tsarina rejoined, ‘‘the fathers of the 
Church were many of them ignorant and unlearned. Every one 
of them was fallible, the same as each of us is fallible. A number 
of fallible men consulting together, their conclusions are liable 
to be fallible. A lie is no less a lie because numbers repeat it. 
Your argument would keep us children without the opportunity 
of mental or spiritual growth. You believe that the Christian 
religion is founded on the lives and teachings of Christ and his 
apostles, do you not ?” 

“Most assuredly, your Majesty.” 

“Then where is your scriptural warrant for the use of images ?” 

Before the startled Metropolitan could bring his mind to utter 
any reply other than “The Church; the Church,” the Tsar, with 
decided energy, asked the prelate if he believed in the divine right 
of kings. The suddenness and vigor of the question coming from 
one who did not have any distrust in himself as to the certainty 
of the ground on which he stood, left no doubt in the mind of the 
Metropolitan that as a loyal subject of the Tsar he must only 
answer that he believed in the divine right. He would have 
preferred to say, guardedly, that the king could do nothing wrong 
as long as he submitted to the higher authority of the Church. 
Whatever reservations he might have had he did not dare to 
express them before the awing presence of his superiors. 


PETER SOBIESKI 


41 


Turning to Sobieski, the Emperor asked, gently and kindly, 
what ofifset he could make to the argument and pleading of the 
Archbishop. 

To this the schoolmaster rejoined, that he failed to see any 
strength in the argument. In fact, with his Majesty's gracious 
permission, he hoped he might be allowed to say that there was 
no argument. As to the pleading, it was unworthy of a true man 
to make such an ignoble confession, and his complete inability 
to find any warrant from the Holy Scriptures effectually silenced 
him. 

Once more addressing the Metropolitan the Tsar asked: ‘Tf 
I were to issue a decree that the icon should be abolished, would 
you, as a true subject, loyally obey my command?” 

Without waiting for a reply, the Tsar requested the Secretary 
to write out 

^^Order No. II.” 

The Use of the Icon Is Abolished. 

Had a thunderbolt fallen and unroofed the palace, the Metro- 
politan could not have been more astonished. Was the Emperor 
fighting the Church? Was he not undermining its faith? Was 
he deliberately wrecking all religion, and substituting to himself 
the honor and the rights that belong to God alone ? 

The Secretary was then ordered to write the following circular 
letter to be signed by the prelate : 

‘'The Palace, St. Petersburg, Oct. 19, 1955. 
''T 0 the Bishops and Prelates of the Greek Orthodox Church, 

“Greeting. — In a discussion with their Majesties, the Tsar and 
Tsarina, on the subject of using the icon, in which arguments 
were heard for and against its continuance, the latter prevailing, it 
is now ordered that from henceforth its use is abolished.” 

The Secretary, after reading the document aloud, brought pen 
and ink, awaiting the Metropolitan's signature. This not appar- 
ently forthcoming, the Emperor ordered the Secretary to write 

“Order No. HI.” 

“Gregori, the Metropolitan of Moscow, having refused to obey 
the orders of his superior, the Emperor of all the Russias, is hereby 


42 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


adjudged guilty of treason, for which he is to pay a fine of one 
thousand rubles for every minute's delay during his contumacy, 
on payment of which he will be released from all penalties and 
pardoned." 

At this juncture the Minister of the Interior was announced. 
With apologies from the Emperor for the abruptness with which 
he had commanded his presence, which was owing to the urgency 
of the business to be attended to, and hoping that his injuries, of 
which the deputy had made them acquainted, were not of a 
serious nature, he bade Prince Alitsyn escort the Minister to the 
apartments of the palace doctor to see if any remedies were 
needed. 

The examination was very severe. It was much more thorough 
than he ever dreamed it was possible he could submit to. With 
expression of many regrets at any inconvenience to which he 
might subject his ‘"patient," his orders were imperative, and he 
would make it as light as possible. 

“May I ask you," the physician said, “in order to make the 
examination perfect, to remove your clothes?" 

“To take off my clothes?" 

“Such are my orders." 

“Then I decline to submit to such indignity. I will appeal to 
the Emperor. I am his trusted, his honored representative and 
adviser. He will not put on me such a disgrace." 

The Prince at this moment pressed an electric button and in 
five seconds, so completely had arrangements to meet any con- 
tingency been provided, two orderlies entered, to whom Alitsyn, 
in a self-possessed, quiet tone of command, said: “Remove this 
man's clothes, gently if possible, forcibly if you must." Still, 
such was Count Podobski's pride that at this point he made 
strenuous efforts to free himself, but, of course, in vain. If 
necessary, the Prince would have summoned additional assistance, 
and it was only this threat that finally compelled the “patient" to 
yield. 

While the doctor was continuing his examination he found 
not the smallest evidence of bruise or strain. Had he been intent 
on this only, he would not have taken so much time in the ordeal, 
and it was only prolonged to give the Prince an opportunity to 
examine every article of clothing, and while the Minister was 
quarreling with the physician and the soldiers, there came to light 


PETER SOBIESKI 


43 


a revolver placed in his hip trousers’ pocket, and a stiletto, con- 
cealed in the lining of his vest. 

While the Minister was dressing. Prince Alitsyn assured the 
Tsar, what he had already been advised by the Grand Duke, that 
there was not the smallest evidence of any hurt. 

The Minister very much, but not completely, subdued, an 
adjournment was made to the council chamber, where the Sec- 
retary found the four with whom the readers are familiar. 

After congratulating Podobski, of course satirically, on his 
escape from serious injury from his fall, the Tsar motioned to 
Prince Alitsyn, who inquired of the Minister why he had not 
responded in person earlier in the day as requested. 

The Minister, still defiant, said that he supposed the Emperor’s 
request would be carried out by his personally seeing that Sobieski 
was safely conveyed to the palace. 

‘'But you were requested to appear personally with the Moscow 
prisoner,” Alitsyn persisted. 

So flustered was the Minister that he denied he had been 
commanded to appear, bringing the prisoner with him. 

On this the letter book was produced with the copy of the 
mandatory letter, and his own acknowledgment that had been 
received, stating the order would be obeyed. 

Knowing where the shoe pinched, the Emperor requested 
Prince Alitsyn to record a fine of five thousand rubles against 
the Minister for delay in appearing and an additional and equal 
amount for prevaricating by false excuses about his alleged 
injuries. 

“But, your Majesty, by what law can you enforce a fine?” 

“Count Podobski, 1 will ask you how many defenceless persons 
have you persecuted and exiled without law and to gratify the 
lust for power that you usurped?” 

“Then, your Majesty, I resign.” 

The only answer the Emperor vouchsafed was, “Prince Alitsyn, 
kindly enter up — 


“Order No. IV.” 

“The estate of the former Minister of the Interior is hereby 
confiscated to the crown, a provision to be made for his wife and 
family, who are to take up their residence at Odessa.” 


44 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


''Again, your Majesty, I demand by what right I am to be 
deprived of my possessions.” 

"This, Count Podobski, that they were dishonestly obtained, 
of which fact no one knows better than yourself.” Then, to his 
Secretary: "Prince Alitsyn, may I trouble you to write 

"Order No. V.” 

"The ex-Minister, Podobski, is degraded to a convict’s status, 
where he will wear the striped clothes and sweep the streets^ of 
the city.” 

Podobski, made desperate, put his hand mechanically in the 
direction of his hip pocket for the weapon that he had placed 
there before making his initial start toward the palace, and was 
dumbfounded when he could not find it. Then his hand stole 
inside his vest for his stiletto, which he would not have hesitated 
to use. There was fire in his eyes. The Emperor, not liking 
the look of baffled rage which he assumed, pressed the button at 
his feet, on which a panel midway on the eastern side, unknown 
to the others present, was withdrawn and two muscular attendants 
walked through the opening and at once seized the disgraced 
Minister. 

"Prince Alitsyn,” said the Emperor, "you are now instructed 
to assume the office of the Minister of the Interior, the first 
assistant acting as Minister until such time as I can relieve you 
from your secretaryship. You will carry out its important duties 
in the spirit of justice and kindness. 

"And now,” the Emperor continued, "may I ask his reverence, 
the Archbishop, what are his gracious conclusions with regard 
to the signing of the circular ?” An hour had now elapsed. Sixty 
thousand rubles indicated the penalty so far. Would the Metro- 
politan awake to the realization that his riches were disappearing 
at the rate of a thousand rubles for every minute of his rebellion ? 
Was he dazed, or reckless, or defiant? 

Rheumatism has been defined as having to endure pain till it 
was unendurable, and gout was one more wrench beyond that. 
Had his suffering reached the rheumatism limit, and was it ap- 
proaching the gout crisis ? At last returning sanity was dawning, 
or obstinacy was yielding to chastening, when an hour and forty 
minutes after the first summons he pleaded, "I will sign the 
circular.” 


PETER SOBIESKI 


45 


The sign and seal of the Metropolitan was added to the signa- 
ture. The imperial treasury was one hundred thousand rubles 
the richer. A check that was signed that day for the above 
amount, drawn on the bank in Moscow to the order of the 
Treasurer of the imperial household, was in due course presented 
and honored. 

‘‘And now, Peter Sobieski,^' the Tsar exclaimed, “I most heartily 
regret that you have been placed at any inconvenience and annoy- 
ance by the temporary loss of your freedom. I have sent instruc- 
tions to the governor of the prison in Moscow to cancel your 
commitment. 

“Further, we have so much admired your intelligence, your 
loyalty to your conviction of the greatness of the race, the ability 
with which, under trying circumstances, you have maintained 
your cause, that we will honor you by granting any two 
requests that you may make provided I can, in all fairness, accede 
to them. You are at full liberty to relieve your mind with the 
most perfect frankness.’' 

“Appreciating,” Sobieski replied, “the nobleness of character 
that actuated your Majesty in making so gracious an offer, I will 
first plead to have the ancient rights of Finland restored that your 
predecessors swore to maintain inviolate. 

“The Finlanders were devoted to their country and the govern- 
ment. No more loyal people were to be found in all Russia. 
Suddenly, without any reason being assigned, their privileges 
have been wrested from them, some of the best citizens exiled 
and others imprisoned, fined and their property confiscated. 
Petitions have been ignored. Their case has excited the deepest 
sympathy, both in this country and abroad. No one can under- 
stand why such acts of oppression have been permitted by the 
government. I cannot believe all this has been done with the 
approval of your Majesty, who, I believe, has a heart and dis- 
position too generous and noble to authorize these indignities to 
a brave and worthy race.” 

At the conclusion of this earnest appeal in defense of an injured 
people, the Emperor requested Prince Alitsyn to record the 
following : 

“Decree No. I.” 

“Finland’s Privileges Restored.” 

“The ancient rights and privileges of Finland are hereby re- 


46 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


stored, with deep regrets that ever the loyal Finlanders were 
deprived of them/’ 

Continuing, he commanded : ''Place the amount of the fine 
inflicted on Gregori the Metropolitan in the hands of a commis- 
sion of my own selection to repay the Finlanders for their losses 
by confiscations and other injuries, and I devote a similar sum 
from my private purse. Should that be insufficient, I empower 
the treasurer of the commission to draw, and continue to draw, 
on the imperial treasury till every money loss has been made 
good. 

"And, Peter Sobieski, what is the second request that you 
will be pleased to make? I thank you most heartily, on my own 
behalf and that of my beloved consort, that you have pleaded the 
cause of my dear subjects so nobly, and we both hope that your 
next petition will be on the same or similarly thoughtful order 
of benevolence.” 

"My second petition is that your Majesty, for whom I shall 
ever pray, will be graciously pleased to re-establish the kingdom 
of Poland. A brave people, with a record of which any nation 
might well be proud, having a noble heritage in a long line of 
illustrious ancestors, they are peculiarly sensitive to the injustice 
from which they are still suffering. 

"At one time occupying a prominent geographical position on 
the map of Europe, Poland’s satisfactions are drawn from a 
historic past. Suffering from the throes of cruel and successive 
dismemberments, her people scattered, her longings cruelly re- 
pressed, her patriots in dungeons, she has a national life that 
nothing can destroy. She still has aspirations. Hope has not 
been completely extinguished. The fires of patriotism are still 
smoldering; they are in evidence everywhere. A leader only is 
wanted to fan the embers into flame. But why may not the 
Emperor himself be the leader? Why may he not instil into the 
people a real loyalty that can never exist under an arbitrary 
government? The Polish people are worthy of every encourage- 
ment that a generous autocrat can extend. The greater the boon, 
the greater the loyalty it will awaken. You, sire, have it in your 
power to create it, by a word. You may divert that sentiment 
in the direction of your own personality, by ameliorating the 
condition of the people, by establishing their freedom, by making 


PETER SOBIESKI 


47 


the conception of love of country more than a dream, a fervent 
reality/’ 

Every one could see that the Emperor was intensely agitated. 
Could it cause an occasion for wonder when at that moment a 
struggle was going on in the imperial mind, a conflict between 
his longing desire to do justice and a fear of offending a class, 
more or less influential, whose first aim was to act for what it 
deemed the honor of the Empire, who might question his right 
to bestow his honors, to give away his titles, by erecting a king- 
dom within his own dominions ? But the masses of Russia were 
also pleading for a larger share of liberty. If he were to grant 
freedom to the Poles, would not his countrymen interpret it as a 
forecast of what he would do for them? Would not consistency 
demand that liberty should not be regarded as a privilege for a 
few, but a right in which all should be entitled to share ? Would 
it be a surprise to those who knew the monarch, the strength of 
his imperial will, that he concluded to cast aside all unworthy 
fears, that he would permit no man to question his sovereign 
right, and that to God alone he would be responsible? 

A short interval, as reckoned by the clock, yet a long one as 
measured by his feelings, was allowed to elapse when he found 
himself reflecting that politeness required that the opinions of the 
ministers should be invited, if only as a matter of formality. 

On advising Sobieski to this effect, he was still further sur- 
prised by the latter objecting very gently, but firmly. If the 
Emperor were to consult his advisers the result would certainly 
be discounted in advance, and they would interpose so many 
objections that the subject would be set aside indefinitely. 

The first question the Emperor charged himself to decide was. 
Had he the power? The second was. Is it politic? To both of 
these he answered in an emphatic affirmative. He did not doubt 
for an instant that he had the plenary power to transfer the 
kingdom. 

That it was politic, he also had not the slightest doubt. Although 
one hundred and sixty years had elapsed since the last division 
of the country by the three adjoining powers, the people were still 
unreconciled. To have a province of irreconcilables within the 
empire was an unwise policy. They must be conciliated. 

Again, it was good politics to interpose a buffer state between 
an ambitious power and Russia proper. The loyalty of the new 


48 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


kingdom could be secured, and it would be a distinct gain to all 
concerned. Russia would not relinquish any of her territory, and 
the subjects of the newly created kingdom would be happy and 
contented. 

Dispensing with any necessity for consulting his ministers, the 
Emperor thus delivered himself : ''By hereditary right I am King 
of Poland. I can do what I will with my own. If I elect to 
resign my kingship, and yield it into the hands of another, with 
reservations, no one can be permitted to interpose an objection."’ 

He now commanded Prince Alitsyn to engross the edict : 

"Decree No. II.” 

"Poland Is Henceforth and Forever Free.” 

"The first stipulation that I shall name will be that an annual 
payment of one copeck shall be made on every anniversary of this 
event, to be credited on the books of the imperial treasury, and for 
which a receipt shall be given by the secretary. 

"My second reservation” — here the Emperor put his arms 
around the man whom he would honor — "is that Peter Sobieski 
shall be the king. 

"To avoid the embarrassment of the new nation setting up a 
line of custom houses against her patron, the existing arrange- 
ments for the collection of duties will continue. The fortifications 
that have been erected around Warsaw to overawe its citizens 
will be dismantled, and the materials placed at the disposal of 
the new king. When this is done, the troops will be withdrawn.” 

What swift and startling changes had in a few hours trans- 
formed Sobieski’s condition! From being clothed in the prison 
garb, to array himself in the imperial robe of kings ; from lying 
in a dungeon, to sit upon a throne; but yesterday unknown, 
to-morrow destined to succeed to an ancient sovereignty, re- 
nowned in history and in song! The lightnings would flash his 
fame to every quarter of the globe. The press would publish his 
honors and his worth in every town and city in all lands; and 
the beneficent postal union would distribute the message to every 
hamlet visited by the postman on his mission of peace. 

But through all these upliftings and outspreadings, Peter 
Sobieski, glad, but not vain, happy, but not proud, accepted the 
freaks of fortune with the same innate greatness and true nobility 


PETER SOBIESKI 


49 


of character that he displayed whether presiding at the desk and 
instilling into his pupils lessons of learning and wisdom, or as he 
stood before the magistrate; or later, as he calmly but boldly 
addressed his sovereign. The difference in outward position 
could not disturb the serenity of his soul. 

Did Sobieski fall down on his knees before the Emperor and 
assume a groveling position as he thanked him for the gift, the 
honor conferred on him ? That would be impossible to one who 
felt the royal blood coursing through his veins. Startled as he 
was, he soon recovered his self-possession, and taking both hands 
of the illustrious donor in his, he said : ‘The devotion of my life 
to your person shall be the truest reward that I can make for the 
graciousness, the largeness of the endowment. No subject in all 
the length and breadth of this great country shall be more loyal 
than I. Accepting the great responsibility with the firm resolve 
that, relying on the Divine Ruler for wisdom, grace and strength, 
I shall aim to govern in righteousness and equity, and for the 
good of my people.’’ 

The two monarchs, the one by grace of heredity, the other by 
gift of the autocrat, who exercised his power, embraced each 
other. 

It is doubtful which was the happier of the two, the noble 
giver, or the (now) kingly receiver. 


CHAPTER V 


The Professor 


As eagle seeking nest in mountain cleft, 

Or lark glad singing as it cleaves the sky, 

So let me rise responsive toward the mount, 

Where liberty enthroned has made her home; 

And breathing deep in that empyrean, feel 
Soul, spirit, body, freest of the free. 

I N the sense of justice that was a marked feature in the Tsar’s 
character, and acting on the ancient proverb, '‘Hear both 
sides,” he determined to find out for himself what were the 
grievances that led the nihilists to antagonize the government. If 
such were found to exist, would he not be bound by every prin- 
ciple of right doing to remove them, if within his power? And 
would it not accord with a prudent and wise policy of conciliation ? 
For this would react on the throne, establishing it on a firmer 
foundation, and making his personal condition freer. 

With this principle in view, it need not greatly excite any well- 
meaning person to be informed that the noble-hearted Tsar had 
determined to have an interview with a nihilist, and removing 
every appearance and vestige of power, talk to him as man to man, 
or — why could it not be? — as friend to friend. 

But how was this exceedingly interesting conclusion to be made 
a practical reality? Half the failures in life arise from a lack of 
tactfulness that can only exist in a sensitive, imaginative nature, 
as that possessed by Paul, the apostle to the Gentiles, who made 
himself "all things to all men”. 

Was he to descend to the level of the conspirator and indoctrin- 
ate himself into the arguments used by the craft, disguising him- 
self after the fashion of Haroun-al-Raschid, or the style of the 
hero in the fascinating tale of the two kings that Marie Corelli, 
with a rare genius, gave to the world under the title of "The 
Temporal Power”? 


50 


THE PROFESSOR 


51 


Or was he by a true nobility to raise him to sit with himself 
in the imperial palace ? 

The former plan would give a unique opportunity for a genuine 
excitement, but it would demand an exhibition of greater nerve 
than we should be warranted in investing the person of the one 
who occupied the throne. 

With this preamble, we can understand how it passed into 
history that early in the morning of the memorable October 19, 
1955, the Emperor requested Prince Alitsyn to telephone the 
Deputy Minister of the Interior, instructing him to despatch two 
intelligent messengers to the governor of the prison, with written 
instructions to deliver to them the prisoner of the nihilist class 
who was most distinguished by intellectual ability and physical 
courage. 

A third employee, noted for kindliness of manner, was in the 
same way to demand the most intelligent woman held under a 
charge of nihilism. 

On reaching the prison, the keeper, on being handed the papers, 
was requested to have the prisoners go through the needful 
ablutions, and change their prison garb for their ordinary clothes. 

They expected to be transferred to another dungeon or some- 
thing worse, but the exceedingly kindly manner and consideration 
with which they were treated, agreeably with instructions, gave 
them a measure of confidence and a ray of hope that they would 
regain their freedom, leading them, perhaps, to imagine that their 
friends had interceded for them. 

They were especially encouraged to dismiss any sensation of 
fear or embarrassment. Possibly this was unnecessary in the 
case of the Professor, for his peculiar experience had led him to 
be cool, undaunted and courageous under all circumstances. 

A carriage was waiting them at the door of the prison, into 
which the two prisoners were invited to enter, followed by two of 
the officials, the remaining one securing a seat by the driver. 

Their arriving at a large, five-story brick building was the first 
intimation that their destination was the palace, where they were 
received at a side entrance by Prince Alitsyn, who assured them 
that it was the desire of the Tsar to have an informal talk with 
them, in fact it was to be, if they encouraged it, a friendly inter- 
view, and, as a token of the good feeling intended, he handed them 
a paper remitting their sentences and entitling them to freedom. 


52 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


With this he turned them over to the Emperor’s valet and 
dressmaker of the Empress, respectively, who had been waiting 
their arrival, and who conducted them to their apartments. Here, 
after a more elaborate toilet, each was made presentable by well- 
fitting suits, the Professor being finally presented with a gold 
watch and chain. At first he was inclined to rebel, as the thought 
rushed through his mind. Does the Emperor wish to purchase 
my silence ? Has he sufficient money in the treasury to buy me ? 
The valet was not a little surprised to notice the deprecating 
glance of the Professor, that told volumes — hesitation, distrust 
possibly, an uncertainty as to what to do, almost breaking out 
into refusal — and quietly assured his charge that it was by his 
master’s orders and as a souvenir of his good-will. The act, 
moreover, was performed so unassumingly, so considerately, that 
the recipient could not find it in his heart to venture any 
opposition. 

The female prisoner, whom we shall now distinguish by the 
name of Sophia, was naturally more elaborately arrayed in richer 
attire, and under the deft and kindly treatment of the dressmaker 
and lady’s maid, stood before them beautiful and fit for admission 
into the choicest society. 

She too hesitated at accepting presents of jewelry, but they 
were clasped so artistically on her neck and wrists that she 
could not possibly be offended, and when by an impulsive, in- 
quiring glance into the mirror, she saw that they appropriately 
graced her person, she became quite reconciled. The costume 
and adornments were of a class and nature to which she had been 
accustomed, and she felt she could face their imperial Majesties — 
thanks to their generous considerateness — with ease and confi- 
dence. 

Instead of the usual and conspicuous announcement at the 
entrance of the modest apartment into which they were ushered, 
each held a tastily executed card to be handed to the Secretary 
for announcement to their Majesties. 

Deviating from all former precedents, the Emperor began : 'T 
have for a long time been desirous of becoming acquainted with 
the views held by the nihilists. To this end I propose that we 
shall have an informal talk, and will beg of you to express quite 
openly your opinions as to what can be done to remedy the griev- 
ances you entertain against the established order of things. No 


THE PROFESSOR 


53 


advantage will be taken of any expression you may make, or the 
emphasis you may lay on existing evils. 

Without waiting for the usual polite preliminaries, the Emperor 
at once attacked the vital question by stating that he understood 
the nihilists were opposed to any government, but he could scarce- 
ly imagine any community, however good the members might be, 
who could live in mutual helpfulness without rules or some 
common basis or agreement for living together, for trading, for a 
thousand things which civilization makes necessary in daily inter- 
course. 

If, he continued, their objection against law was intensified by 
the fact that its administration was accompanied with injustice, 
with oppression, with tyranny, he could well understand how the 
law had become hateful to them. 

To this the Professor, to take up the name usually accorded to 
him on account of his scientific attainments, remarked that the 
law had in reality become a synonym of evil by the crimes which 
were committed in its enforcement. He continued : ‘Tf for pur- 
poses of unrighteous aggression, which could not be defended 
successfully by any effective argument, the Minister of War 
could, through his representatives, drag men from their homes 
and compel them to fight battles in which they could have no 
possible interest, can your' Majesty wonder that we hate the 
iniquitous law? When we are spied on by the sleuths of the 
‘third section,’ however honored we may be in the community, 
however upright in our dealings, however perfect in our family 
relations, if we are suspected of political sentiments, at variance 
with those of the powers that be, we may be dragged from our 
homes, true, good men and pure, gentle women, and tried by the 
farce of law, and even if acquitted be exiled to Siberia by the 
mean, contemptible and despicable action known as ‘administra- 
tive process.’ With such records can any one wonder that the 
sufferers, and those in sympathy with them, loathe and abhor 
with an intense, deep and bitter hatred the very thought and name 
of law? And when it is impossible to exaggerate the suffering 
wrongfully inflicted, the tyranny of remorseless officials, the 
tortures inflicted by despotic governors, when we see our own 
dear ones, some of our tenderest relations, the victims of the 
knout, sometimes dying under its severities, can we avoid think- 


54 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


ing — is it not natural to judge — that anything would be better 
than such a system ? 

‘‘And, your Majesty, if these representations are true — and 
they cannot be denied — cannot something be done to render law 
a beneficence, instead of a curse, to make its administration con- 
form to justice and equity? Cannot the government instead of 
being a grinding, repressive tyranny be founded on a true pater- 
nalism, administered in benevolence and kindness. If the govern- 
ment had been conducted on such an altruistic plan there would 
never have been a nihilist. The tyranny of the administration 
has created him. Unnatural as you may judge him to be, he is 
the product, the progeny, of an arbitrary and despotic govern- 
ment.'^ 

The Emperor interposed by asking: “If the laws were to be 
made in the interest of the governed, would there still be antago- 
nism because they were laws?" 

The Professor answered: “The laws are so oppressive that it 
is difficult to distinguish between the law and the evil." 

“But," the Emperor replied, “the intentions of a properly 
framed statute are that it shall be beneficent. When we realize 
that the operations of a particular law are productive of injury, 
is not its repeal or modification all that is necessary or advisable? 

“Suppose if I were to invite a committee of nihilists to come 
to this room and talk the subject over in all its bearings, would 
it not be possible to evolve an understanding that would be 
mutually feasible and practicable? Could I not meet objections 
by making changes in the laws, and in the procedure, that would 
satisfy even a nihilist?" 

“I think," said the Professor, “such conferences would be 
eminently beneficial. When representatives of the two ideas 
come together, willing to admit that the other side is conscien- 
tiously endeavoring to act for the public welfare, and the chief 
concern of both is the general good, nihilism will have nothing 
on which to subsist. Its dissatisfactions gone, it will pass away. 

“When Napoleon, of infamous memory, was justly banished to 
St. Helena, he made the utterance that he had founded an empire 
by force, and had miserably failed ; while Jesus Christ had founded 
his empire on Love, that would stand forever. 

“May I be allowed to suggest to your gracious Majesty, for 
whose accession to the throne I shall always rejoice, that over 


THE PROFESSOR 


55 


and above the power — and some of us believe it is unlimited — 
that you possess, you have the opportunity of adding something 
that wealth cannot purchase or power command, but which is 
still within your grasp — the love of the Russian people. Only a 
sentiment of pride, which has nothing to sustain it, prevents you 
from reaching a height of greatness higher than any monarch 
has ever attained. Into such a height Love would enthrone you, 
by your allowing its influence to guide your every action. So 
would you, honored sire, impress yourself on the hearts of all 
your subjects; you would captivate even the nihilists. Nihilism 
would be abolished. It would only stand for a memory, the name 
of a thing which had no longer an existence. Russia would 
spring into a new life. The reconciliation would be complete.’^ 

The Emperor, deeply touched by this appeal to his heart and 
conscience, took both hands of the Professor in his own and 
feelingly said : ‘T have been profoundly moved by your presenta- 
tion of the subject. Your expressions are refreshingly different 
from what I am accustomed to hear in my daily experience, where 
sycophants seem to exist for the sole purpose of echoing my 
thoughts and opinions. It is interesting to listen to an intellectual 
person who has the ability to express his beliefs, the courage to 
maintain them, and the heart of love to offer them. 

''And if. Professor, you had the opportunity of naming two 
wishes, with a seeming certainty that they would be carried out 
what would your first choice be?'’ 

"My first presentment," the Professor answered, "would be the 
right of petition." 

The subject of the right of petition having already been brought 
so prominently to the attention of the Tsar, with arguments In 
its favor, that it will not be necessary here to tax the petitioner 
with making elaborate arguments urging its adoption. 

"I have," replied the Emperor, "for a long time considered the 
right of petition, and in my earnest desire to have an intimate 
acquaintance with the needs of my people, and in view of my 
high responsibilities been so much impressed with the inherent 
right, that I shall not only accept the principle, but shall develop 
it into the leading and practical part of my future policy. 

"Record, please, Alitsyn : 


56 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


''Decree No. III.'’ 

"The Inalienable Right of Petition Is Accorded.'' 

"Petitions shall be made sacred. Every one shall have the right 
to demand the privilege. It is the door through which a subject 
comes into contact with his superior. 

"Those in office who shall become the mediums through which 
petitions may be forwarded are hereby enjoined from placing 
any obstacles in their way. The severest penalties will attach to 
all who are guilty of withholding or suppressing them." 

Continuing, and personally addressing the petitioner, the 
Emperor said : "I am more gratified in granting this decree than 
any one can be in the length and breadth of this whole country. 

"And now, Professor, I desire to congratulate you on the 
strength of your argument, and the. unselfish character of your 
request. In the continuance of my original promise I now renew 
my offer, and shall be much interested in hearing your next sub- 
ject." 

"My second petition," the Professor very earnestly stated, 
"will be the extinction of the system known as the 'third sec- 
tion’. May I be permitted to state that the degrading effect on the 
nation of this organized plan for depriving a subject, not only of 
his physical, but also of his mental freedom, befits the Europe of 
four hundred years ago. 

"Is it true that Alexander II freed the serfs? That 20,000,000 
residing on the crown lands and a similar number living on 
private estates were affected by it? Russia is to-day a land of 
slaves, who live in a constant suspense and uncertainty as to when 
the little vestige of liberty remaining may be taken from them, 
and their fate is worse than the slave in any part of the world. 

The colored race in the south of the United States of America, 
in the last century, before they were freed by the arbitrament of 
the rifle and the cannon, were supposed to have some protection, 
based on the principle of self-interest to their owners. But even 
this is denied to the exile who has been dragged from his family, 
from his home, by the caprice, the whim, the vengeance of a 
centralized power, and marched in chains through snows and ice 
thousands of miles to work in the mines in the Siberian wilds. 
Nor was this power, as we all know, exercised only in a few 
and spasmodic instances. It conducted its operations remorse- 


THE PROFESSOR 


57 


lessly by the wholesale. Fifty thousand from St. Petersburg alone 
were thus deported in one year ; and in all, from the first, nearly 
two millions suffered in this way. The terrorists may strike in 
isolated places, but here is a terrorist government that can strike 
everywhere, that puts the criminal acts of the nihilists in the 
shade against the infinitely greater crime. 

''You say that this occurred in the last century, and that we 
must not charge those in the present day with the former crimes. 
But the system of intimidation remains unchecked. If the methods 
have been modified, we are still living in a reign of terror, of 
abject slavery. 

"It is impossible to exaggerate the evils, the sufferings, the 
agonies, the griefs, the revolting cruelties inflicted under this 
organized method to keep in bondage a whole nation. 

"The sleuth, at the beck of his superior, slinking in at the back 
doors of friends and foes, is about as contemptible a specimen of 
humanity as exists in the world. The evil strikes at the very 
foundation of friendship, when it is often impossible to know 
whether the one we are cherishing as a friend may not be a spy 
in disguise. When suspicion exists, where can there be the most 
delightful sentiment in all the world — a true friendship 

The Professor was startled at his boldness in the presence 
of one who was understood to be in his own person the embodi- 
ment of this terrorist system, whom the world holds responsible 
for the guilt of the crimes perpetrated in the name of government, 
and will not relieve from the tremendous responsibility. 

"If, sire,’’ he continued, "I have gone beyond the limits of a 
fair representation of the appalling evils of this system of govern- 
ment, I pray you forgive my zeal. It is impossible to see these 
wrongs without feeling them deeply. If I go astray, I pray you 
consider the provocation — such as does not exist in any other part 
of the globe. 

"Notwithstanding the opportunity you have offered and given 
me to express my views, I should not have embraced it, did I not 
feel that with your mild and generous disposition you deplore 
and hate the system which rules Russia to-day. But, honored 
master, may I beg to remind you that there is no impossibility of 
at once applying a perfect remedy for every evil of which we 
complain. The difficulty is in appearance only. There is no 
lion in the way. With a few strokes of the pen you can undoubt- 


58 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


edly perform this miracle. When this is done no one will be more 
loyal than the nihilist, whom it is the fashion to ignore and despise. 
My petition is that your Majesty will be graciously pleased to do 
away with the 'third section'.’’ 

Through this severe arraignment the Emperor at times felt 
cut to the quick as the Professor probed with his lancet the seat 
of the malady. It was impossible to completely conceal his 
chagrin and mortification at the failure of his government, its 
complete lack to come up to a true standard, that if not kind and 
paternal, can have no real excuse for its existence. He had 
pledged his word that the Professor should be perfectly free to 
relieve his mind, and that nothing he could say would milita'te 
against him. Besides, as we have intimated, the well-intentioned 
Tsar himself hated the system for the evils of which he was 
accused, and from whose responsibilities he would have been glad 
to be relieved. 

Directing his attention to his faithful Secretary, he quietly, but 
firmly, said: "Record, please 

"Decree No. IV.” 

"The 'Third Section’ Is Abolished.” 

"It is unworthy of a place under a great government. Its time 
has passed.” 


CHAPTER VI 


Sophia 


Sweet sympathy is proof mankind is kin, 

Of one blood made, one common Father, God. 

Its chords fast bind the world in one embrace. 

Make griefs and woes of all indeed her own; 

On outstretched arm invites the weary head. 

Pours balm on wounds, the broken hearted heals. 

I N the meantime the Empress had been anxious to hear from 
Sophia, whom the Minister of the Interior had enclosed in 
his drag-net, his victim being haled by the police before a 
magistrate, tried before a jury and acquitted, there being no proof 
of any wrong doing. 

The same day, without any cause being assigned, she was thrust 
again into the baleful dungeon, there to wait the pleasure of the 
tyrants that had her case in charge. 

Despite the prison pallor that had too plainly and painfully 
eclipsed the natural glow of youth and vigor, she was beautiful. 
In form and figure, in the classic outlines and proportions of her 
features, she delighted the critical taste of the artist. Her expres- 
sion conveyed the idea of intense thoughtfulness, of earnestness, 
of being awake to the cruel realities that followed in the wake of 
a despotic government. 

Sophia had been gently raised, well bred and well born. To 
say that she was a lady would have been to underrate her. She 
was more, much more; she was a gentlewoman. Many ladies 
without a change of heart could never advance into the superior 
rank of gentlewomen. For to be admitted into the higher order 
requires a combination of all the virtues, with a predominance of 
goodness, kindness, tact and gentleness. 

Educated and accomplished, well versed in her own language, 
familiar with French, speaking English like a native, at home 


59 


6o 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


with the German, her round of accomplishments was varied and 
thorough. 

In disposition she was open and generous, observant, truthful, 
hating deceptions, and full of s ympathy with every phase of suffer- 
ing. She could not see a horse ill used without taking the animal’s 
cause. The flagrant abuse of authority by a policeman over a 
prisoner excited an indignation she could not repress. But it was 
the systematic cruelty and oppression of the government that most 
intensely aroused the sense of justice that was so deeply a part 
of her nature. 

On one occasion, when a witness to an extreme case of cruelty 
by the police, she remonstrated, and pleaded for the poor victims. 
The result was that she was placed under arrest on the charge of 
‘'interfering with the police in the execution of their duty.” On 
being searched at the station-house a nihilist tract was found, or 
pretended to be found, on her person. 

But what was her crime? If it was a crime to have a heart 
overflowing with benevolence and sympathy with suffering, if 
it was a crime to be consumed with indignation at the wrongs 
and woes of her fellow beings, if it was a crime to long with an 
intense longing for freedom, and to hate with a bitter hatred all 
forms of intolerance, oppression and cruelty, then was she most 
criminal. 

Hers was not the craven, wicked crime that would look on 
with cold and callous indifference when others were suffering 
wrongfully. 

The Empress could not fail to be attracted by Sophia’s beauty ; 
nor could her woman’s heart help being touched at noticing the 
traces that suffering had revealed in her face. 

“Sister,” she began, “I will be your friend.” 

The effect of this warm, kind greeting, so entirely unexpected, 
drew forth the tears from the young woman, and it seemed as if 
nothing could relieve her till the Empress came forward and took 
her hand, assuring her in a soft, sweet voice that she need not 
fear, that she was free in every sense, free to go anywhere, 
without hindrance or restraint. 

If Sophia had been a criminal, she would have fallen at the feet 
of the gracious lady who had assured her of her sympathy. With 
the consciousness of having done nothing wrong, she could not 
prostrate herself before any human being, but found herself say- 


SOPHIA 


6i 


ing: '‘How good and kind and generous it is of your Majesty to 
take an interest in my case without knowing what charges had 
been presented against me. It will be so good to go into the outer 
air, to see the bright blue sky, to feel the glad, warm sun-rays 
penetrate through my being and fill it with the rapture, the glow 
and the divine delight of being free. I trust I may be forgiven for 
indulging in displays of what must appear my unseemly grief 
after your kind and gracious invitation to come to the palace.'' 

“No, it was more natural than an artificial repression of your 
true self," replied the Empress, “but I am convinced there was 
something more than what I said that so keenly touched your 
nature. Would it be intruding on anything sacred in your memory 
to tell me the source of your extreme excitement ?" 

“I shall not hesitate to do so, as it brings up the one, single, 
solitary bright spot in my prison life, that will always live in my 
memory as a delight, a rejoicing; when I forgot my griefs, my 
wrongs, and the walls that enclosed me seemed like the arches of 
a holy temple." 

The Empress did not attempt to conceal the intensity of her 
feelings, and with a quiver in her voice, a kindness in her manner* 
and a tender sympathy, said she was deeply interested in her 
experiences and history. 

Sophia continued: “Your Majesty has doubtless heard of 
David the Evangelist of St. Petersburg who, like his divine 
Master, went about doing good." 

“I have heard of him," replied the Empress, “of the good that 
he has done, of his virtues, of the magnetism of his presence, and 
I would feel grateful to have him visit me." 

Here the Empress was seen to write a line and pass it unosten- 
tatiously to her husband. It read : 

“The Palace, October 19, 1955. 
“To David the Evangelist, St, Petersburg, 

“Honored Sir. — Your fame has penetrated the palace. May I 
ask the favor of your presence as soon as you receive this, if 
convenient and agreeable ? 

“Augusta, 

''Imperatrix!' 


62 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


How the message went, whether by messenger, by wireless 
telegraphy or some subtle agency, I have never understood. The 
principal point is that it was delivered. 

It will be legitimate to ask. How did it affect him? If he was 
a sinner he might have trembled at the knees. He might have felt 
like a drowning man when a thousand meannesses swept like a 
panorama before his startled vision; he might have felt like a 
culprit going into a noose or into exile ; he might have thought it 
befitting his making a will and forgiving his enemies. But David 
was not a sinner ; he was a saint. He was so intent on following 
the Master; he was so absorbed in doing good, that he had no 
time nor inclination to think of evil. Or if for an infinitely small 
moment an imp of mischief had wickedly and brazenly placed an 
undesirable thought for his acceptance, he would have spurned 
the wretched temptation, and swept it away with a righteous 
indignation. He was so dominated by the good that the evil had 
no power over him. His life was not a struggle ag’ainst his 
desires, for they were good and true and rightly tuned and 
directed. He could not try to alter them. His struggles against 
selfish propensities were past — he had overcome. 

When he walked the streets a halo seemed to float around his 
person, while with bared head the citizens stood as he passed. 
Tall, of a gracious presence, his countenance beamed with benevo- 
lence and kindness, a benediction in his looks, a magnetism in his 
personality. So gentle was he in his disposition he did not realize 
that he was great. So approachable, the children did not hesitate 
to come to him to have him take their hands in his, and receive his 
blessing. 

Sophia resuming, said: 'Tn visits to the prison, the abode of 
misery, he was constant, and oh, I could not commence to say 
with what glad delight the prisoners looked and longed for hiS 
advent ! 

''The authorities were only too glad to encourage his ministra- 
tions ; it was a positive and material benefit to them to have his 
gentle influence reaching out even to the most refractory. 

"I can never forget the first time I was blessed and privileged 
to have him come where I was, and in the gentlest, most sympa- 
thetic manner, say : 'Sister, I will be your friend.’ 

"It was the remembrance of these words, the same expression 
which you, my gracious deliverer, uttered at our first interview, 


SOPHIA 


63 


that so melted my heart. That is why I was so deeply, so intense- 
ly affected. 

'Tf he had come with severity, demanding to know for what 
crime we were in that place, it would have repelled us from him 
and rendered any well-intentioned advice or pleading nugatory. 
He never indulged in denunciation, or recrimination. His one 
desire was to comfort the broken-hearted, to heal the wounds, to 
bear the burdens of those who suffered. 

''What encouragement there was in his tones, what helpfulness 
to endure our trials with fortitude, what hope he inspired when 
even hope had forsaken us, how many hearts he helped to make 
whole, are only known to the Heavenly Father when he counteth 
up his jewels. 

"I can never forget his consolations and his comfort, the riches 
of his counsel, the sweetness, the tenderness of his nature. He 
seemed to us so high, so much above us, but I am sure no such 
thought disturbed the serenity of his soul, for his very natural- 
ness made him feel as one with us. 

"He was always scrupulously careful to avoid setting the 
prisoners against the authorities, for that would be only nursing 
their wrongs, which could do them no possible benefit, and would 
be only keeping the old sores open. 'Governments are not per- 
fect,’ he would say, 'and sometimes the innocent have to suffer 
with the guilty.’ That was my experience, for the jury that con- 
sidered my case brought in a verdict of 'not guilty’. Yet I was 
remanded to the prison, and have been deprived of my liberty 
till now.” 

That such could be done was startling to the Empress, who 
begged the Emperor to initiate immediate inquiries as to why 
Sophia was deprived of her freedom after being acquitted by the 
jury. 

The telephone was again brought into requisition, and the 
governor of the jail was asked by whose authority she was still 
retained a prisoner. 

The reply was that it was in consequence of the instructions of 
the Minister of the Interior, the deputy stating that she was held 
a prisoner as a "dangerous character”. 

The Emperor saw the inconsistency of the reactionary party 
in claiming to uphold the law, but who were in reality bringing 
it into contempt. He could not help admitting to himself the 


64 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


crime against justice, when at the mere will or whim of another 
an innocent victim could be deprived of liberty or possibly exiled 
to Siberia. The absurdity of such a system annoyed him, for if 
it was determined to banish a prisoner, why go through the 
preliminary farce of a jury trial? 

The Empress here entered into the conversation, and encour- 
aged Sophia to suggest some way of remedying the evils in the 
government. She might, if she so desired, place her views in the 
form of a petition, using the utmost freedom in her pleas. 

Responding, she replied: ‘‘The doing away with the practice 
of depriving any one of liberty by what is euphoniously styled 
‘administrative process’. In my case it nullified the action of the 
jury, who had no doubt carefully considered all the circumstances. 
The trial by jury, belonging to the privileges and rights of the 
accused person, is not any one thwarting the intent of the law 
in refusing to carry out the jury’s decision himself a law- 
breaker ?” 

Still the Empress urged : “The Emperor himself is the law, 
and any one he deputes to detain a prisoner acts by his authority. 
He can make and unmake a jury’s conclusion.” 

“Then,” Sophia felt emboldened to reply, “does not this tend to 
bring the jury law in disesteem by making its deliberations a 
nullity? Does not a custom so time-honored carry with it a 
certain right of established law, and if it is set aside by caprice 
does it not inevitably weaken the respect for the law, which is 
supposed to be the policy of the government to encourage ?” 

As she was making these general remarks she noticed a con- 
strained look on the face of the Empress, her eyes expanding, and 
an expression of dissatisfaction, if not of real displeasure. It was 
very different from what she had been accustomed to hear in 
political discussions. Still she saw that it was not intended to be 
in disrespect. 

“Pardon, madame,” pleaded Sophia, “the plainness of my re- 
marks.” 

“Your sincerity and earnestness,” replied the Empress, “are 
only natural after what I know you must have suffered.” 

Still her argument was so fair and strictly logical that Augusta 
did not see how she could in any fairness meet it, and inwardly 
felt an admiration for the self-possession and candor that Sophia 
displayed. 


SOPHIA 


65 


The Tsar remarked: ‘T have long been alive to the amazing 
inconsistency, the arbitrariness, the cruelty perpetrated under the 
name, but in reality by the abuse of the law. I shall not hesitate 
to enact a decree forbidding the obnoxious practice. 

^^Prince Alitsyn, I will thank you to write 

‘‘Decree No. VI.'' 

“Administrative Process Abolished."' 

“The jury system is upheld, and punishment by administrative 
process is declared to be an infraction of the law, and is hereby 
abolished." 

Here the Tsar, suggesting that Sophia still had the opportunity 
of making another petition, expressed himself as confident that it 
would be in the interests of the public good. 

Acknowledging by a graceful bow the courtesy extended in so 
much kindness, Sophia replied : 

“I have long indulged in the dream of a free press and free 
speech. But why should it be a dream when it might be a 
reality ? Can we not view it from one aspect only — Is it desirable ? 

“When the Emperor Alexander, on the 14th of March, 1861, 
freed the serfs, the movement was undertaken because it was 
demanded by the spirit of the age. England, more than a quarter 
of a century previous, stung by her conscience into action, had 
paid twenty million pounds sterling to satisfy the demands of the 
planters in Jamaica for the relinquishment of their claims to hold 
slaves. 

“The sentiment in England against slavery was so outspoken 
and so intense that, when in 1762 a slave from the West Indies 
was brought into Portsmouth, the friends of freedom had him 
taken by habeas corpus to a court of justice, to have his legal 
status declared. It was then that the judge gave the memorable 
decision that when he touched the shores of England, the genius 
of her institutions made him free. 

“Brazil, at a later stage, had by an enactment decreed the 
abolition of slavery throughout its territory. 

“The United States of America were in the throes of a struggle 
between the supporters of slavery and those who demanded its 
overthrow. It was an anachronism in an age of progress. 

“But while the ukase of the Emperor Alexander was made at 


66 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


the call of duty on the broad principle that recognized freedom as 
a right, it was only partial in its scope. The same grounds that 
made it desirable that man should be physically free equally and 
naturally demanded his mental liberty. 

'Tn all constitutional governments the principle is recognized 
In every English-speaking country it is uniform and absolute. 
Russia is far, far behind the age. Freedom of the press and of 
speech is a necessity. With a great longing for the advancement 
of my countrymen, may I be allowed, great and honored sire, to 
make my most earnest appeal that the shackles be removed from 
press and speech, and that the great principle of freedom be 
carried out to its legitimate and fullest extent?’’ 

''Still,” replied the Tsar, "however much we might concede 
that the freedom of the press is desirable, there are occasions 
when this 'fourth estate,’ in countries where the press is com- 
pletely free, does not fully appreciate its tremendous responsibili- 
ties, and the liberty with which it is accorded degenerates into 
license. In such cases it is possible for it to inflict direct and 
irreparable injury. Must we, for the sake of an abstract principle, 
make no effort to restrain a newspaper that flagrantly offends 
against patriotism, against good morals, against good relations 
with other powers with whom we are on terms of friendship? 
You, of course, would not be agreeable to witness the spectacle 
of a man rushing through the streets with a firebrand in his hand, 
threatening with destruction the houses of those who had offended 
him. And yet the disastrous effect of the crime of arson would 
be local only, whereas the influence of a newspaper may be 
national or even world-wide. Unless there is some restraint I 
can conceive that a strict censorship would be preferable.” 

"Then, your Majesty, may I be permitted to suggest that the 
great principle of freedom might be recognized, even if it is 
necessary to place limitations to which all would agree?” 

The Tsar was more than pleased with the sincerity and candor 
of the advocate for freedom. Some small souls would have taken 
umbrage at the boldness of the plea. Not so the Emperor, who 
was sufficiently magnanimous to distinguish between an inten- 
tional affront and an offence that was either imaginary or 
technical. It would be infinitely easier to obtain the real necessi- 
ties of the nation from a kindly, conscientious critic than from a 


SOPHIA 


67 


nerveless, cautious, soulless individual who would prefer instead 
to bask in the imperial sunshine. 

'‘May I ask the Secretary to record 

"Decree No. VII.” 

"Freedom of the Press Is Conceded.’’'' 

"The censorship is not to be exercised unless the sternest neces- 
sity demands it, and then only on petition from responsible 
citizens. Freedom of speech is granted within the limits of 
loyalty, good morals and friendly international relations.’' 


CHAPTER VII 


David of St. Petersburg 


The hatchet bury, nor again be raised. 

Grim, ugly cannon cast in railroad bars. 

The spear to ploughshare, sword to pruning-hook. 
War’s hateful flag be nevermore unfurled. 

So shall the prophet’s herald be fulfilled. 

And all the world shall hear Christ whisper, “Peace.” 



ATER on that memorable day the portiere of the apartment 


in which the monarch and his consort were sitting with 


-1— « the company last named was drawn aside, and the master 
of ceremonies announced: ‘‘David, the Evangelist of St. Peters- 


burg/’ 


In honor of a visitor distinguished by so many virtues, all arose 
and continued standing till he had passed the compliments to 
each. Having made his obeisance, his bearing, as he walked 
toward the centre of the room, was at the same time manly and 
respectful. The Emperor came forward to meet him, and grasp- 
ing his hand exclaimed: “I am honored by a call from one of 
whom I have heard so much, whose name is always mentioned 
with reverence and the highest esteem.” 

“And I am privileged in responding to the commands of my 
august master, but no honor attaches to me save as a lowly 
minister of the Lord Jesus Christ, who possesses my heart and 
my affection, and whom I serve with a glad delight.” 

The Empress, with expressions of deep respect and regard, 
held out her hand in cordial greeting, which David reverentially 
kissed. 

Prince Alitsyn, with one of his most engaging smiles and 
hearty hand-shakings, assured the honored visitor that he felt 
proud and happy in being permitted to make his personal acquaint- 
ance and hoped to be favored with further opportunities of meet- 
ing him. The attitude of the Prince was so cordial and inspiring 


68 


DAVID OF ST. PETERSBURG 69 

that it rang a corresponding note in the music of the heart of the 
Christian minister, who recognized in him a congenial spirit. 

As the Professor spoke, David recognized him by his voice — 
he would have known that voice anywhere — and expressed his 
pleasure in meeting him under such pleasant circumstances. 

Turning to Sophia, as he hesitated in his recognition of her, 
at which no one could w^onder under the altered circumstances, 
she said, as with quick step she hastened to meet him : “I was in 
prison and you came unto me, and oh, I cannot tell you how 
large a place you hold in my heart for your great kindness and 
self-sacrificing goodness, for your words of cheer and comfort, 
as you came bringing light and joy and heaven with you into 
my prison cell.’’ 

Spontaneously he had taken both of her hands in his, holding 
them firmly as she spoke, and would not relinquish them while he 
responded: ''Then I am rejoiced for your sake; my reward is 
great indeed. The Lord be praised for all his mercies and 
kindnesses.” 

On the company taking their seats they seemed like one happy 
family, so warm had been the welcome and so impressed were all 
with the genuine worth, the personal magnetism, the sweet gentle- 
ness, the sincerity and enthusiasm of the Christian disciple. 

The Tsar, bringing into use the extremely afifable manner which 
so distinguished his real character, remarked : "I suppose, my 
friend, with your industry in doing good, your heroism, your 
faith, that you must be full of high ideals and hopes and longings 
for your fellow men. To-day we have been indulging in inviting 
and responding to petitions that looked away from personal 
benefits, and that regarded rather those that in their comprehensive 
scope affected the general good, that would, in a high and lofty 
patriotism, help to elevate the whole nation to a higher and 
nobler standard. Would you tell us in all frankness what is 
uppermost on your mind? What petition would you desire to 
present? Such is my confidence in your intelligence, your honor, 
your pure and unsullied Christian principle and character, that 
I promise in advance, if it lies in my power, I will comply.” 

Everyone present appreciated at its utmost the largeness, the 
graciousness of the offer, yet all felt they could trust the Chris- 
tian minister to ask for something great, inspiring, helpful. The 


70 


THE WAY DF PEACE 


worldly wise would say that the Tsar exceeded the bounds of 
prudence. They would take into account the vast possessions of 
the Emperor, his untold wealth, his unlimited power, and question 
the privilege of giving away his rights. 

But the monarch had virtually stipulated that the grace should 
be limited by Christian principle. The goodness, the undoubted, 
the undeniable goodness of the petitioner, should be his safe- 
guard. 

As David arose to speak in that calm, earnest, convincing 
manner that marked his every utterance, the keenest interest was 
awakened in his hearers to listen to the coming revelation of his 
wonderful personality. Our prayers are an index to our charac- 
ter. What would his petition to the great, the powerful Emperor 
be? 

He began: ‘'One of the titles the dear Lord Christ wears is 
‘The Prince of Peace.’ He came when the temple of Janus was 
closed. His mission was ‘to guide our feet into the way of peace.’ 
The song of the angelic host was ‘Glory to God in the highest, and 
on earth peace.’ Listen, friends, you can hear its echoes now, 
now gently pealing from the rafters of the ceiling, from the 
recesses of these walls, reverberating from out the spaces against 
the arches of the skies. Listen ! above the beating of your hearts 
can you not hear the divine melody ringing as a holy anthem? 
‘Peace on earth !’ Shall we not hear its hallowed, its entrancing 
music? Shall we not shout our glad ‘Amen’?” 

All present were profoundly moved as the minister waved his 
hands responsive to his feelings, anon lifting his face upward and 
around him, and swaying his audience by the force of his magnet- 
ism, his intensity and earnestness. He continued: “We value 
the last words of a relative or a friend. One of the last benedic- 
tions of the Master to the disciples was ‘Peace be to you.’ Shall 
we not repeat this to our neighbor? Shall we not go out to the 
distant land in the Orient and take the hand of our neighbor there 
— if he will allow us — and say, ‘Peace be to you’ ?” 

Everyone present saw the animus, the unmistakable drift, the 
undisguised attempt of the Preacher of Peace. Yet, so great 
was the respect, so high was the regard they entertained for 
him, that there was not the slightest impatience, not the least 
indication of an interruption to his discourse. 


DAVID OF ST, PETERSBURG 


71 


''And/’ the minister added, "how well the writers of the Epistles 
interpreted the mind of the Master may be seen from the fact that 
in both of the Epistles of St. Peter and in the thirteen written 
by St. Paul, the opening* salutations rang — and the song, with 
changing chords and in different measures, told the same sweet 
story — with the music of peace. 

"In the enumeration of the fruit of the spirit, did not Paul, 
the beloved, write that the first three were 'love, joy, peace’? And 
in the benediction to the Philippians did he not petition for them 
the 'peace of God which passeth all understanding’? Finally, 
five times in the benedictions by the apostles is our Heavenly 
Father spoken of as the 'God of Peace’. 

"And now, honored sire, as a disciple of the Lord Jesus Christ, 
who enjoined us to 'Love your enemies,’ as you desire to be a 
true minister of God, ruling in righteousness, my petition is 
that you will initiate an armistice with the allies, preliminary to 
proclaiming a permanent peace.” 

Before David could take his seat, the Tsar came forward, and 
embracing him, kissed him on both cheeks, thanking him elo- 
quently for his advice. 

To one who was virtually the head of the army, reflecting on 
what it had accomplished, by whose aid his territory had been 
extended from sea to sea, it was like taking away the support on 
which the nation had been built. It would wrench the personal 
ties between the autocrat and his generals, it would alienate those 
under the influence of military pride, who had peered into the 
future and planned the conquests their sanguine temperaments 
had in advance invested with reality. 

A thousand thoughts swept across the mind of the agitated 
Emperor. He must weigh the arguments ; he must decide ; he 
must present the side of the army. Would the evangelist be more 
than his match in a contest which truth alone must decide, for he 
must take no unfair advantage ; he must be faithful to his con- 
victions. 

"Society,” he said, "is built to a great extent on its military 
associations. The records on the banners the army carries con- 
stitute the measure of its pride. They tell of the honors won by 
its regiments, their endurance, their fortitude, their loyalty. The 
whole country appropriates their history. Take away the stimu- 
lus presented by the heroism of the army’s legions, to what 


72 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


incentive may we appeal when the honor, the very life of the 
nation is at stake? 

''Is it not a dream to think of changing in a day the system that 
has been growing for eight hundred years? Would civilized 
society endure the cataclysm that would result? In its vortex 
would not the country be wrecked, and throne and dynasty be 
involved in a common ruin? 

"Would it not require a faith that does not exist, of which 
history has never dreamed, save as the ultimate condition of the 
Christian world, when all men will be ideally good, the realiza- 
tion of which seems far, very far off?’' 

The face of the evangelist glowed with a heavenly light as he 
set to disapprove the position of the Tsar. "The army,” he 
replied, "has been educated into supposing that it is indispensably 
necessary for the safety of the country. Its leaders had thrown 
over it a glamour that had made it see matters quite differently 
from the manner in which others saw them. Peace was the 
normal condition of civilized humanity. To secure it was the 
hope of every true statesman. When a country entered into a 
war it was always with misgivings as to the result. This is not 
to impugn its courage, which is unquestioned. But when peace 
is proclaimed there is always a universal rejoicing, and there 
never was yet a modern war in which the participants did not 
long for peace. Wars have been undertaken in which those 
engaged had no interest in the quarrels they were employed to 
settle. 

"Besides, after the movement inaugurated by your ancestor 
of illustrious memory — I refer to The Hague Convention — no 
excuse has existed for nations taking the reins into their own 
hands. The arbitration, which this peace measure designed, was 
intended to remove all necessity for resorting to war, and would 
have saved the country’s honor and avoided the disasters that fol- 
lowed the refusal. Every war undertaken by the accessories to that 
convention has been in violation of the spirit in which it was 
inaugurated. Its aims had been placed on so high a plane that 
they appealed to Christian principle, to the most logical of reasons, 
to the constantly growing sentiment of humanity in the endeavor 
to abolish all wars for whatever cause. Such reasons as might 
have been generally accepted in former years could not be 


DAVID OF ST. PETERSBURG 


73 


satisfactorily admitted now. They have been condemned as 
beyond the pale of a true civilization. 

''And, sire, in the freedom of expression which you here invite, 
and speaking as a minister of Jesus Christ, I ask to be allowed to 
warn you solemnly that if this country persists in its mad schemes 
of aggrandizement, it will end disastrously. A reaction must 
inevitably follow in which we should lose in territory, in prestige, 
from which the nation would never be able to recover.’’ 

Judging that further discussion of this subject would prejudice 
his cause, David satisfied himself with the warning announce- 
ment. 

Otherwise he might have amplified his prophetic theme, and 
continued in this strain : 

Pursue your conquests, trample upon Persia, reduce Afghanis- 
tan beneath your iron heel, swoop down with your legions on 
India in fulfillment of your inherited ambition, march your 
armed hosts southward till you reach Cape Comorin. Then 
within twelve months you would have so aroused the jealousies 
of the nations, east and west, that a combination would be formed 
against you. Every fleet that you own that is not protected by 
granite walls would be swept from the ocean. Your frontiers in 
Europe would be pushed back. Crimea, that had been the source 
of so much trouble for a hundred years, would be occupied by 
the powers of Western Europe, and Sebastopol dismantled. Under 
their protection, Odessa, for a long time a centre of radicalism, 
would be declared a free port. 

Smarting from the cruelties which are inseparable under Rus- 
sian military rule, the people of India would rise against their 
oppressors and hurl them back through the passes, where the 
turbulent Afghans would annihilate the remnants. 

The Eastern nations, remembering the atrocities perpetrated 
before and during the war in Manchuria, would press their way 
back through Central Asia and establish a civilization superior to 
that of their enemy, an order more progressive, a policy more 
humane. Wherever they would go they would be welcomed as 
deliverers. 

The tribes of Central Asia would unite against their common 
foe, and press him beyond the Caspian. Russia’s Gallic ally of 
former times, the only one she could once call her friend, tired 


74 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


of the unnatural mesalliance, would have long since deserted her. 
Her prestige would be gone, and she would stand alone. 

Then she would have had the convincing evidence that her 
dream of conquest was her undoing. Her war system being 
radically wrong, she must in the end turn her attention to internal 
reforms to save the country from worse disasters. She would 
have to come into harmony with other nations, into a freedom 
large and world-wide, into her rightful place. 

Pursuing the argument, David said: ‘Tn a contrast between 
pugilism and war many things can be cited in favor of the former 
that cannot be said of the latter. The pugilist does not necessarily 
nourish malevolence toward his antagonist. War, on the con- 
trary, rouses the worst elements in our nature — anger, hatred, 
malice. 

‘'Pugilism, while its aim is to place an opponent temporarily 
hors de combat , has no intention of permanently injuring him. 
War designs to kill and wound as many of the enemy as possible. 

“And yet the spectacle of one man standing up in a prize-ring 
and battering and defacing the form divine of his brother is so 
repellent to all our finer feelings that pugilism has been con- 
demned and outlawed by all good men. When we adjudicate the 
lesser evil a crime, we are bound by every principle of fairness to 
condemn the greater. Among good men war thus stands con- 
victed without a defender. 

“Must evil then reign ? Must not goodness and righteousness 
resume their rightful sway, under whose influence wars will 
cease? 

“But the Church, I shall be told, lifts up its hands in blessing 
those who participate on the nation's side. It consecrates the 
standards and the emblems which stand for the cause of the 
country and the army. 

“Then the Church has failed in its duty, which is to obey the 
precepts, to uphold the honor and to extend the reign of its 
Divine Master. It cannot afford to have its influence regarded as 
secondary to that of good men, for that would be to acknowledge 
that good men are better than the Church." 

“But," the Emperor interrupted, “Brother David, if I, as your 
ecclesiastical superior, were to request you to bless the standards 
that are to be taken to the East, do I understand that you would 
disregard my wishes?" 


DAVID OF ST. PETERSBURG 


75 


''Reluctant as I should be/’ David responded, "to disobey your 
Majesty in thought or deed, your commands would come between 
my conscience and the higher law, which I dare not disregard." 

So decided, yet so conscientious, was the answer, so respectful 
in its tone, so desirous to avoid giving offence, that no attempt 
was made to continue the digression, David supporting his peace 
advocacy from other considerations, as follows : 

"We may draw a help to properly regard the war from a 
reference to a family, divided by disagreements into two hostile 
elements living in a large house, each occupying one end, with 
an apartment intervening, into which it would not be safe for 
either to enter. We may further suppose that one party had by 
force brought in a relative and kept in constraint, compelling him 
to render active aid to its cause. 

"When asked what was the origin of the disgraceful condition, 
it was found to arise from an unwillingness to listen patiently to 
the other side, to a lack of proper consideration to look into what 
was considered a grievance. 

"On being further questioned why they did not make up their 
quarrel, the only reason appeared to be personal pride, which 
prevented the aggressor from acknowledging his error. 

"Some of the neighbors, scandalized at the exhibition, offered 
to mediate in a friendly way, giving them to understand that it 
was an intolerable disgrace to the community, and that the cause 
of religion was suffering from their unchristian attitude. This 
should have received the respectful consideration of both parties, 
but was attended by no immediate results, the condition being 
perpetuated and becoming daily more acute. 

"Finally the aggressor, convinced of the folly of his course, 
realizing that every day he persisted in his wrong-doing added 
to his crime, concluded to sacrifice his foolish, wicked and inex- 
cusable pride, and make overtures to the other side with the 
invitation, 'Let us have peace’. If he really meant to do right 
it was the only proper course left to pursue. 

"Although nothing could diminish the crime of aggression, 
yet in consideration of the desirableness of reunion, of the com- 
mendable spirit which recognized the initial error, should we not 
be willing, in view of the advantages that would ensue, to condone 
the past and consider bygones as bygones ? 


76 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


‘‘The beneficent results succeeding the restoration of good feel- 
ing in the family were even greater than their anticipations, for a 
mutual forbearance was exercised, an exceeding care to act 
considerately and a painstaking endeavor to avoid any possible 
future misunderstandings. The blessedness of peace was so 
appreciated that no allusion was ever made to the former trouble, 
except by a possible contrast with the prevailing harmony. 

“Every incident in the family divided by dissensions, as here 
described, applies with much greater emphasis to the correspond- 
ing experiences in the larger field where two branches of the 
human family are in conflict, in the application in every stage 
from its origin to its perpetuation. War is an incomparably 
greater crime than divisions in a family. The latter is a single, 
isolated case ; the former is evil operating by wholesale. In the 
family the endeavor is to conceal the disagreement; in war the 
stage is so open that all the world, through the reporters, are 
spectators. In the reconciliation which must follow — for wars 
must have an end — it is to be sincerely hoped that the final out- 
come will be as productive of as permanently good results. 

“As a historical fact it was notorious that the failure to patient- 
ly consider the grievance of the allies was the cause of the 
breaking out of the war. 

“A little more reasonableness, a great deal more of Christian 
patience, would have prevented the trouble. And nothing keeps 
us from admitting our original mistake and of coming together 
as neighbors and friends except that false pride that hates to 
acknowledge the initial error. But now the war has developed 
to such a crisis, the barbarities have been so hideous, the sacrifice 
of life so appalling, that we are inviting neighboring nations, 
who are holding up their hands in horror at the scenes, to inter- 
vene, and let us know that the time has come for the crimes to 
cease.’’ 

Asking permission for an historical allusion, David continued: 
“The Spanish-American war might never have occurred but for 
the inhuman cruelty of General Weyler, who systematically 
starved the reconcentrados in Cuba on such a wholesale scale as 
to make the world stand aghast at the colossal crime. 

“And of the same class of crimes as General Weyler’s was that 
of Admiral Talexieff, one of the chief instigators of the war, who 
issued a proclamation to the Manchurians that if they, the natives 


DAVID OF ST, PETERSBURG 


77 


of the soil, aided their ally against our forces they would be 
exterminated. 

‘'Worse still than this threat, because unexecuted, was the re- 
fusal of General Stosselski to allow non-combatants to leave Port 
Arthur, and the open disregard of flags of truce for the purpose 
of burying the dead, the awful conditions threatening a pestilence. 
And I can never understand how foreign nations did not persist in 
requesting a cessation of such barbaric crimes. Even if it was 
claimed that such acts were condoned by former precedents in 
war, the present condition of the age, with its humanizing ten- 
dencies in placing limits to its evils, utterly and emphatically 
condemns them. 

"The magnanimous General Joubert, commanding the Boer 
army, was reported to have refused to give the order to fire on the 
retreating enemy at the Tugela River, on the grounds that such 
a method of warfare would be unchristian where the combat was 
so unequal that the opposing force had no chance to defend itself. 

"In comparison to this exhibition of fine feeling, such innate 
chivalry, what a contrast our own side showed when, aft^r 
sinking a transport loaded with troops, we fired on the poor 
struggling victims in the water. The inhumanity was more to be 
noted when shortly after, on the conditions being reversed, the 
chivalrous Japanese aided hundreds of our own soldiers to 
escape from drowning, thus manifesting the superiority of their 
behavior and putting ours to shame, giving those we call our 
enemies the opportunity of saying: 'We give them their living 
for our dead.' 

"To return to our argument, it might, if pushed to its natural 
limits, go far to prove that only bad men were participants in 
and upholders of the army. This, however, would be a manifest 
injustice, in consideration of the devotion to a principle developed 
in the contest. Whole chapters could be written of privations 
endured uncomplainingly, of perfection in discipline, and heroic 
bravery. 

"From the nucleus of this army, when directed into peaceful 
channels, endless good may result. For in this way there will 
spring men whose loyalty is inbred, whose assistance in the re- 
generation of the country will prove among the most valuable 
of all the elements that will help to reconstruct the nation. 

Continuing, David illustrated his argument by saying : 


78 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


''Some centuries ago in England ordeal by single combat was 
legalized in certain cases, the combatants meeting in an appointed 
enclosure, in the presence of witnesses. Of course the result was 
decided by the one possessing the greater strength or proficiency 
in arms. 

"In the same way wars establish no principle of right, and are 
mainly a test of which party can bring the most men into the field, 
the most deadly weapons, or the accuracy and celerity with which 
they are brought into use. 

"In viewing war from an economical standpoint, calculations 
have been made of the benefits that would result if the money 
devoted to its support were diverted to peaceful purposes, as the 
erection of school-houses, the construction of railroads, the 
reclamation of waste-lands and other public improvements. 

"At present such considerations must be principally valuable 
as interesting speculations, for the reason that the European 
nations that go to war are so burdened with debt that a great 
part of their energies is directed to providing means for the 
payment of the interest, the principal in the meantime remaining 
untouched, owing to a confessed inability to cancel it. 

"In the present mode of conducting warfare, the usual course, 
after the first step has been taken, is to raise means for its con- 
tinuance, for the express purpose of destruction and killing. All 
those who thus contribute to such war funds are aiders and abet- 
tors of the crime. 

"But the argument drawn from economy, as the case stands, 
must appear inappropriate, in view of the paramount grounds for 
the abolition of war, namely the value of human life, as enforced 
and embodied in the commandment, 

" 'THOU SHALT NOT KILL.’ 

"No association of people, no nation, no king, no emperor, may 
set aside the higher law. We may attempt to satisfy ourselves 
by a specious quibble that we have the right to disobey the com- 
mand, even going to the length of extending it to wars of aggres- 
sion. Still, against all the special pleading, stands the righteous 
law, the divine commandment. 

"The war spirit is a relic of a barbaric age. The worst folly 
in a so-called Christian nation going to war is its glaring incon- 
sistency as shown in its pretending to accept the gospel that bids 


DAVID OF ST. PETERSBURG 


79 


us to live in peace with all men, and yet does its utmost to injure 
and kill the enemy we are commanded to love. 

''The means it resorts to by mines and artillery, scattering the 
bodies of men into space, some never to be recognized, maiming, 
mutilating, killing, by the thousands, is so revolting as to make 
every lover of humanity shudder. 

"A problem that concerns all mankind — may we not say that 
effects the universe — lies before us, the establishment of universal 
peace. That it will finally prevail every Christian fully believes. 
A time will come when it will be a crime to doubt its practicability. 

"To doubt means to be possessed of little faith, for it is the 
measure of faith which makes a soul either small or great. For 
no one is altogether devoid of faith, and there is no limit to the 
extent of this virtue that a great soul may possess.’^ 


CHAPTER VIII 


Overcoming Difficulties 

When Robert Bruce within his prison cell 
By spider’s persevering will was taught, 
He left the legacy to all mankind. 

Setting aside the outlawed crime of war, 
The lesson reads: No failure may deter. 
The will must conquer, must fulfil its aim. 



ND now had come the crisis. On no one living were there 


greater responsibilities thrust than on the Tsar at this 


hour. The question of war or peace hung in the balance. 


Among the conflict of opposing forces, which, should prove the 
most dominant? 

Ambition, that has so often overtopped itself and failed irre- 
trievably, urged the continuance of the struggle. 

Pride, an insensate dream, insisted on sending every available 
regiment to the East, even to the last man. 

Stubbornness, that never knows when it is defeated, wanted, 
with its bull-dog tenacity, to fight to a finish. 

But another element might present itself which some weak- 
lings would call Prudence, but that so often is the twin demon 
of sloth and cowardice, shrinking from the plain duty of to-day, 
that defers action to the intangible to-morrow. ^'Why move,’’ it 
urges, ‘‘till the subject has been properly weighed and considered, 
till in a council of many we learn the wisdom, that is a safe and 
proper guide.” 

Against these, Conscience, that had been aroused as it never 
had been before, stung by the awful conditions prevailing, 
the unburied dead, the long — it seemed never-ending — lines of 
grievously wounded men, the unparalleled suffering, the woes, 
the griefs of families bereft of their support, Conscience, awak- 
ened, cried aloud to end the war. 


8o 


OVERCOMING DIFFICULTIES 


8i 


Duty had the proper course so clearly, so unmistakably de- 
fined, that it pointed to a peace immediate and enduring. 

Justice demanded a right consideration of the responsibilities 
for the war and an insistence in making reparation for the losses 
inflicted. 

The world will never cease wondering at the decision finally 
reached by the Emperor. But why should people wonder when 
Conscience, Duty, Justice, all make their pleas and unite in their 
stern demands? 

Were not these the factors that should alone suffice to decide 
between the evil and the good? 

Then it must be considered that the peace-loving* Tsar, heartily 
tired and weary of the war, loathing its origin, lamenting the 
wretched intrigues of interested officials, deploring the alarm- 
ing loss of life, mortified by successive defeats, longing for some 
way in which he could emancipate himself from the dominance 
of the party that insisted on refusing to adopt conciliatory meas- 
ures at the outset, especially as he saw their plans result in exas- 
perating failures, had now determined that he would rule, and 
rule alone. From being one of one hundred and fifty millions, 
he would take his place of being one who was over that immense, 
that almost unimaginable number. 

Addressing his remarks to the company, the Tsar confessed: 
‘T have been so profoundly moved by this effectual plea for peace, 
by the arguments advanced so clearly by the missionary priest 
of St. Petersburg, and in view of the tremendous responsibilities 
that I must assume, I can have no other alternative than to admit 
that the religion of the Lord Jesus Christ imperatively calls me 
to a decision in favor of peace. I have been warned that should 
I carry out this plan disastrous results may follow to the dynasty ; 
but I am determined that I shall adhere to the right regardless 
of consequences. I have the unquestioned power to add new 
levies to the army or to diminish its numbers, and, by a logical 
inference, I have the undoubted authority to abolish the whole 
army system. I must commit myself and my nation to the re- 
quirements of my Divine Master who tells us that God is our 
Father. Then every man will be my brother. I cannot continue 
to commit the fratricidal sin. I will obey my King. God being 
my helper I shall exert all my influence from henceforth not 


82 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


only for peace in my country, but for that universal peace for 
which all good men pray/’ 

Having determined upon peace, the next step was to con- 
sider how to carry out the preparatory stages, before any inter- 
ruptions might occur; for the war party was so strong and 
influential in St. Petersburg that it was vital to adopt extraordi- 
nary precautions. It was above all essential that none of the 
outer circle of the imperial family should have the first inkling of 
the negotiations, which, nevertheless, must come through the 
regular military bureau. 

Did the Emperor sit down to solve the problem of how to 
overcome the difficulty that might develop into active opposition? 
Not at all. One minute was sufficient to decide that he would 
depose the then existing Minister of War, and appoint some one 
more subservient to his will. 

Then he must take into consideration the possibilities at the 
other end. Could he absolutely depend on General Lupatkin to 
execute his wishes ? Might he not by delays thwart the plans of 
peace and render the scheme a failure? 

Against this possibility he would guard by adopting a method 
hitherto unattempted, namely, to communicate direct with Gen- 
eral Moyama, commanding the allies, advising him that an appli- 
cation would immediately be made by General Lupatkin for an 
armistice. 

On the other hand when General Lupatkin knew that Tokio 
and Pekin had already been made aware of the desire for peace, 
there would be no object in causing delay, for the sooner the 
plans were put into practice the quicker would the allies be con- 
vinced of the good faith of the request. 

The negotiations coming through General Lupatkin were in 
reality only confirmatory of the advance request from St. Peters- 
burg. 

To prevent the news from filtering through, he instructed 
Prince Alitsyn to proceed immediately to the residence of the 
French Minister and request him to forward the message to 
Paris in cipher. Thence it was to be conveyed via San Fran- 
cisco, after being interpreted into French. The message coming 
through this channel would be a confirmation of its genuineness. 

With these desirable precautions the following despatches 


0 VERCOMING DIFFICULTIES 83 

were sent to the East, with the delay of as few moments as 
possible. 

Driving swiftly in the carriage of the embassy to the telegraph 
office, the Prince accompanied the courier of the ambassador 
who handed in the despatch ; and the presence of the representa- 
tive of the Emperor secured its precedence over all other 
messages however pressing or privileged. 

The first despatch sent to General Lupatkin was a private 
telegram from the Emperor notifying him that a message of 
consequence might shortly be expected, to which his first atten- 
tion would be requested. 

This was immediately followed by the all-important despatch 
as follows: 

^^Order No. VI.” 

''St. Petersburg, October 19, 1955. 

"To General Moyama, commanding the forces of their Imperial 

Majesties the Emperor of China and the Emperor of Japan, 

in the held, 

"The Emperor of Russia, being desirous of amicably meeting 
his friends in the East, and of peacefully settling all matters in 
dispute, requests that arrangements be made for an armistice. He 
wishes to adjust all questions in a liberal and equitable spirit. 
To that end he is willing to concede everything for which his 
honorable, aforetime opponents originally contended, and to 
liquidate all claims for destruction of life and property. Instruc- 
tions will be immediately given to General Lupatkin to cease all 
acts of warfare, and carry out the wishes here expressed. 

"Haightwarkoff, 

''Acting for his Majesty the Emperor of Russia.'' 

"St. Petersburg, October 19, 1955. 

"To General Lupatkin, 

"Having telegraphed a request to the General commanding the 
forces of their Majesties the Emperor of China and the Emperor 
of Japan, for an armistice, with a view to laying foundations for 
a lasting peace, I desire to advise you that immediately on receipt 
of this you will discontinue all acts of warfare against those with 
whom we have been opposed in arms for the last twenty months. 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


84 

The terms that we voluntarily offer are to concede every demand 
originally made by their Majesties the Emperor of China and 
the Emperor of Japan, also to liquidate all claims in a liberal and 
equitable spirit. 

‘‘Haightwarkoff, 

‘'Acting for his Majesty the Emperor of Russia.” 

Finally the director of the telegraph was notified by Prince 
Alitsyn that all despatches addressed to the Minister of War were 
to be forwarded direct to the palace, immediately on receipt, 
regardless of the hour, and for the present setting aside all 
precedents. 

The reasons for consummating the peace negotiations with the 
utmost celerity were as imperative as those in connection with 
the armistice, regardless of any constructions that might be 
placed on the haste — even if it gave the allies the idea that their 
enemies were in a worse condition than they really were. 

The reader will here recognize a departure from the uniform 
rule governing such negotiations, and will naturally desire to 
know the reasons for the innovation. 

Special circumstances require new rules, even if they upset all 
former modes of procedure. This was a despatch of the most 
extraordinary importance. The communication with the General 
commanding the allies could be made more easily and quickly 
from the rear than from the front. On receipt of the despatch 
he could communicate with the respective capitals, and be fully 
instructed before he would probably have time to receive a com- 
munication from the Russian commander in the field. The Tsar 
was in a position where time was everything. Having decided 
for peace, the consummation was so ardently to be desired, that 
he could not afford to have it deferred a day, or even an hour. 

By adopting this method most invaluable time could be saved. 
It might avoid the wretched war, that he hated with an infinite 
abhorrence, being prolonged, and further valuable lives lost. His 
plans would obviate the necessity of referring to St. Petersburg 
any point for explanation. The principal desideratum was the 
agreement for an armistice. The preliminaries being settled, the 
main points could be readily adjusted. All the contentions in 
dispute were conceded in advance, so that no possible obstacle 
would remain. The seemingly needless haste was in furtherance 


OVERCOMING DIFFICULTIES 


85 


of a determination to carry out a plan without the possibility of 
interference. Power is shown in directness and quickness of 
action; slowness and hesitancy reveal weakness. 

But would it not be said that it was derogatory to a great 
power to concede everything in advance? Would it not ,be 
tantamount to a confession of weakness? The very hurry with 
which everything was being done would have the appearance of 
being undignified. It might even lead to the suspicion in the 
minds of the allies of being insincere, and of ulterior motives 
which might operate against their interests. Then he would toss 
dignity to the winds if it interfered with his imperial will. 

Evil accomplishes its sure purpose suddenly and remorselessly.. 
Why should not beneficent plans move as swiftly? Why cannot 
a benevolent autocrat emulate the lightning in its speed ? 

Again, the same necessity for quickness in action was responsi- 
ble for the extraordinary intimation that Russia would pay an 
indemnity. The principle being established, it would at the outset 
avoid long and tedious communications, in which the demands 
might cause irritation and possibly a renewal of hostilities. 

Then, when the war party had come up against established 
facts, they would be powerless to oppose the policy of the 
Emperor. What had been done could not be undone. 

On the receipt by General Moyama of the cablegram from St. 
Petersburg, despatches were immediately sent to Pekin and 
Tokio. Summons were sent to the leading members of the 
Ministry in each capital, for a consideration of the terms that 
would be accepted, the sessions lasting until five in the morning 
of Thursday, October 20, 1955. 

The first question to be considered was that of territory. Rus- 
sia must relinquish forever all claims to any portion of China, 
and regard the frontiers of that country as inviolate. The 
Saghalien Islands, taken by force, should be restored to Japan. 
Vladivostok, together with all the war vessels in the harbor, is 
to be surrendered to the allies, with absolute control and right 
over the fortifications and material. 

The war indemnity was the only subject over which there was 
any division of sentiment. The lowest amount named was one 
hundred million rubles and the highest five hundred millions. 

Those who advocated the lowest sum took into consideration 
the generous disposition of the Emperor in breaking away from 


86 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


the war party. The advocates for the largest value were those 
filled with indignation at the inhumanities practiced during the 
war, for it must be considered in forming an equitable judgment 
that the advanced times required a higher standard of conduct 
than those that governed in former ages. 

A compromise was arranged between the two extremes, and 
three hundred million rubles agreed on for the indemnity, to be 
paid within six months from the signing of the treaty of peace. 

At sunrise on that morning, when the combatants were ready 
to place their artillery in changed positions and make new com- 
binations, the white flags of truce — this time to be respected — 
fluttered along the whole line. Yesterday, soldiers in arms ; to- 
day, friends, as far as the memories of the cruel war would 
permit. 

Along the wires sped the message of peace conveying the 
terms named by the allies. The Emperor was only surprised at 
the stipulation regarding territory and the exceeding shortness 
of time allowed for making the payment. A modification was 
proposed that the allies should hold Vladivostok until the indem- 
nity was paid. 

The reason for insisting on so short a period as six months for 
payment of the indemnity was in view of the mendacious and 
deceptive character of Russian diplomacy. 

The proposals made by the allies, with the above-named modi- 
fications, were accepted by the Emperor; and General Lupatkin, 
representing Russia in the field, was ordered to sign the treaty of 
peace. 

The terms of the peace were generally approved in Europe. 
Even France, Russia's ally, admitted their justice, although they 
thought that the indemnity was exorbitant. 

England was in transports of delight. Her people could have 
no bond of union with the opposing systems of government. For 
what communion could light have with darkness, or those enjoy- 
ing a free government with an absolute despotism? But in this 
moment she generously forgot her old-time antagonism, and 
heartily entered into the peace negotiations. 

Germany was disgruntled. Her plans of colonization and 
dominance were upset. Her idea was to be in at the division of 
the spoils, and seize her share. With the prestige in war acquired 
by the allies, William V. concluded that it would not be advisable 


O VERCOMING DIFFICUL TIES 87 

to thwart the purposes of the victors, and would retire from the 
scheme. 

England’s experience in war for the last three hundred years 
had been limited to struggles outside the islands. She had built 
an empire on the sword, but ruled by the civil power, by the 
force of moral influence. Such was the supremacy of the law, that 
was intended to be in the interest of the people, she did not need 
to have anywhere a large standing army. So jealous were the 
people of their liberties that it was the fixed policy of the rulers 
to keep the military in the background, and their employment 
in any except the most serious internal difficulties would be re- 
sented. They were becoming less and less warlike. This may 
seem a paradox in view of the British Empire being so vast that 
the sun never sets on its dominions, but, nevertheless, it is true. 
"‘We are,” the people say, ""a peaceable nation, engaged in manu- 
facturing, in commerce. Our interests are best secured by being 
at peace with all the world.” 

The nation’s wars on foreign soil had piled up a debt of such 
a magnitude that no one except some theorists ever dreamed of 
cancelling it. Indeed, a senseless statement had been made in this 
connection: ""The cause of England’s greatness — her immense 
national debt, and her inability to pay it.” This would be quite 
as logical as to say: An individual’s happiness — the debts that 
he owes and the impossibility of being ever free from them. 

The immensity of the debt was an incubus hanging about the 
neck of the people who had too much honor to repudiate it, but 
who too painfully realized it stood in the way of a thousand 
needed improvements, that could not be undertaken because the 
taxes had already reached the furthest possible limit. 

Peace was then her policy. So there was a stronger expression 
of enthusiasm in England over the peace than in any other part 
of the world, outside of the parties immediately engaged. 


CHAPTER IX 


An Informal Repast 


Midst flow of soul and not the flow of wine, 

Surrounded with array of choicest flow’rs, 

With fruits delicious to the taste and fair, 

Whose tints no artist may attempt to paint. 

Such are ideal feasts when love prevails. 

And royal, glad good-will makes all akin. 

B efore the last cheerful click, click of the telegraph had 
been heard in speeding the preliminary message of peace 
to the East, or to describe the time as six p. m., dinner, 
or whatever a repast at such an hour could be called, was an- 
nounced. The luncheon, which had been arranged for four in 
the afternoon, was cancelled by the arrival of David the mission- 
ary, the interest in his presence being too exciting and stimulat- 
ing to think of the more subordinate necessity of satisfying the 
demands of the physical being. 

Of course some epicures would not be satisfied without the 
record of what was on the table, the number of the courses, the 
service, the attendants, etc., but these are such minor matters 
that we are compelled to pass them over and simply note the 
natural beauties that delighted the eye and the esthetic taste. 
Before each guest was a low salver in which flowers of various 
kinds and tints were gracefully arranged, each combination differ- 
ent from the others, and as they looked up in the faces of each 
beholder from amidst the lakelets in which they were immersed, 
they seemed to whisper tokens of love and peace. Around the 
apartment the rooted flowers in vases were streaming out their 
fragrance, and the whole atmosphere was permeated with the 
grateful and soul-satisfying aroma. 

The party consisted only of those the reader has seen at the 
conference, so that each visitor could feel perfectly at ease. The 
host delighted the company with interesting episodes in his 

88 


AN INFORMAL REPAST 


89 


foreign travels. David gave glimpses of his ideals of the coming 
days of peace and good-will among all mankind, and wondered 
why the realization need to be delayed. As an optimist he could 
not see any satisfactory reason why it should not be now. Never 
at any stage in the world’s history were there so many good 
people living as in the present time. 

Before the dinner was concluded an attendant handed, on a 
silver tray, to the host, an envelope the seal of which being broken 
it was found to contain the following despatch : 

''In the Field, Manchuria, October 19, 1955. 
'*To the Minister of War, St. Petersburg, 

"I am delighted to accede to the proposal for an armistice. A 
conference of my superiors, the Emperors of China and Japan, 
with their respective ministers, will immediately consider the 
terms of peace. With a view to avoid delay in so vitally important 
a subject, I will forward suggestions early to-morrow. 

"I remain, your obedient servant, 

"Moyama, 

''Commander An-Chief,'’ 

This brought the dinner to a sudden conclusion. Of course 
nothing so sublunary as eating or drinking could be thought of 
after such a prompt and cordial reply to the overtures for the 
armistice, and an adjournment was at once proposed to the scene 
of the former conference. 

Here everyone was surcharged with the electricity of con- 
gratulations, filling every member of the party with transports of 
gladness. The peace for which the Emperor longed, for which 
the people prayed, was soon to become a glad reality. What 
joy it v/ould be to the soldiers in the field who had so patiently 
endured the privations, the hardships, the sufferings attendant on 
the cruel war, to their families tortured with consuming anxieties. 

After a lull in the conversation the Empress asked Sophia who 
was her favorite among the poets, including those in all lands. 
The latter immediately responded, "Whittier.” He was the 
apostle of peace, of good-will. The divine love filled his soul. 
He saw the divine goodness everywhere. His indignation against 
evil was deep and strong; he hated tyranny and oppression with 


90 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


a bitter and consuming hatred. Yet his pitying, trusting heart 
saw in advance that out of the evil would arise a good that should 
be finally and everywhere triumphant. But some of Burns' 
poems appeal also to my sympathies, especially the one entitled 
'A man's a man for a' that.' " 

On being asked if she sang, she modestly replied in the affirma- 
tive, without any unmeant depreciation of her gift. 

To the direct invitation, given in the kindest, the most con- 
siderate manner, Sophia at once responded with the song above 
quoted. 

The clearness, the elocution, the accent — not the Scotch accent, 
as the reader will certainly imagine, but the proper accentuation 
of each syllable — were all marvellously perfect. The mellowed 
sweetness of her notes, their charming cadences, the easy modula- 
tion and strength in which her well-trained voice rang out in her 
upper trills and lingered long, so rich, so musical, so inspiring, 
filled her hearers with raptures of enthusiastic admiration. 

Every one present rose at its conclusion and came forward 
to thank her personally for the great favor she had rendered. As 
David took her hand, it seemed to be enclosed in his by a natural 
right, as it lay there, warm and responsive, the while he asked her 
to accept from an overflowing heart his grateful appreciative 
acknowledgments. Was it love's response? 


CHAPTER X 


Augusta's Petition 


What peerless grace illumes the radiant brow 
Of Michael’s consort, who adorns his reign 
By her appeal for freedom, justice, law; 
Oppression hating, loving mercy’s cause! 

So shall the good react and fill her soul 

With peace that passeth knowledge, love and joy. 



FTER the entertainments were concluded, if we can so 


designate the separate parts each had contributed toward 


JL jL the general interest, the plan of presenting petitions for 
reforms was renewed, and this time by the Empress, who, while 
exceedingly interesting, could not prevent an expression of sad- 
ness escaping from her handsome features. 

Without waiting for the formality of an invitation from the 
Emperor, she began : ''My husband, my comrade-lover, my king, 
my emperor, I desire to present a petition, one that comes near 
my heart, which I am sure you will grant. It is in the interests 
of justice, of our common humanity; it is in the furtherance of 
a real brotherhood ; it is involved in the carrying out of the truth 
of man’s greatness ; of the principle that hates to see the divine 
image degraded. 

"It has been said that justice without mercy is injustice. It is 
in the interests of mercy, which exists in all right-feeling souls. 

"It is a protest against cruelty in every form, where the strong 
takes advantage over the weak, that persecutes and tortures 
the helpless and oppressed, that lurks in the blackness of darkness 
to pursue its crimes, its revenges and its hates. I desire that you 
will prohibit the use of instruments of torture in every private 
and public institution. My especial aim is against the practice of 
cruelty in the prisons and in the army. 

"Corporal punishment either destroys the spirit of a man or else 
breeds hate and resentment. The one is pitiable, the other to be 


91 


92 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


avoided. Its infliction is demoralizing and degrading. Even if 
the practice might be defended on disciplinary grounds, it is so 
liable to be abused through motives of revenge that it were better 
to abolish the system. 

‘'When offenders against the law have to suffer penalties pro- 
portioned to their crimes, it is especially needful, if reform is 
to be the object of punishment, that every rule and practice should 
be within and not against the law. 

“Among the Jews, when forty stripes might be legally inflicted 
for certain offences, the humane principle of avoiding an excess 
of the punishment led to the rule of limiting the number to thirty- 
nine. But in prisons this restraint might be lacking, and the 
infliction be excessive. Keepers cannot properly be intrusted 
with discretionary power; hence the advisability of positive re- 
striction. I am tempted to believe that for certain crimes the 
lash may be a proper deterrent, as for wife beating, arson, kid- 
napping, etc., and for such would favor the revival of the 
pillory. 

“The influence of the keepers should constantly be exercised 
to elevate those under their charge, so that when a prisoner is 
once more translated into light and freedom, he should be the 
better for his experience.’’ 

The Emperor here approached his consort, and taking both her 
hands in his said very earnestly: “Your petition has my most 
hearty sympathy and approval, and I shall make it a point of my 
most sacred duty to see that its principles are carried out.” 

Prince Alitsyn was awaiting to enter 

“Decree No. VII.” 

“Jailers Must Rule in Kindness.” 

“All instruments of torture must be at once destroyed.” 

Augusta knew that she had the privilege of making one more 
petition, and continued : “My other is in the interests of civil and 
religious freedom. A country cannot be great unless its citizens 
are great. And no one can be great in politics or religion unless 
he is free. He must be free if he develops his divinely implanted 
love of liberty. He must be free as the eagle is free. To deprive 
him of his rightful freedom is a crime against humanity, against 
God, who is the author of his longing for liberty. 

“For he who has a zeal for truth in politics, in morals, in 


AUGUSTA^S PETITION 


93 


religion, is doubtless nearer right than those who are indifferent 
to or oppressors of reform. 

''Of all the crimes against our common humanity, none is less 
excusable than this. Before every man is the opportunity and 
the privilege of advancing, of adding to our knowledge, of that 
inestimable boon of thinking, of exercising the divine gift of 
reason. And the intolerance that would deprive a subject of 
these natural rights is an injury to the individual and to the 
State. 

"His liberty should be encouraged, not repressed; it should 
be guaranteed by statute and edict, not made a plea for imprison- 
ing and sending into exile. Its deprivation invites rebellion; it 
makes a lover of freedom hate a government that represents 
intolerance and cruelty. 

"This petition is for the establishment of this principle as a 
settled and cardinal point in the new government.’’ 

In reply the Emperor said: "Nothing can be more congenial 
to me than these two reforms. The welfare of the nation depends 
on their being conscientiously carried out. The law should be 
miade honorable and attractive ; obedience to it, a loyal rule of 
conduct, a delight. Legislation should ever be considered as in 
the interests of the governed. 

"Prince Alitsyn will please write,” the Tsar ordered, 

"Decree No. VIII.” 

"Political and Religious Freedom Is Hereby Established.” 

"As a part and consequence of this decree, and carrying out its 
^ sentiment in the spirit and in the letter, it follows that those under 
physical restraint, in consequence of differences of political or 
religious beliefs, are entitled to their liberty. 

"Governors of penal institutions having in their control per- 
sons convicted on such charges are hereby required to return 
them to the capital, with signed documents stating when sentenced 
and by whom, the nature of the services, if any, rendered by such 
to the State, and the personal punishments, if any, which have 
been inflicted. Governors are further required to pay to each 
of such convicted persons sufficient money to convey them to 
their destinations and provide subsistence on the way. 

"Committees are to be appointed to go into the merits of each 
case, and where equity demands, make drafts on the imperial 
treasury to help repay sufferers for their losses.” 


CHAPTER XI 


Reform of the Church 


Can it be true the Church should need reform, 

A thing of beauty should no more, be fair, 

A spark from Heav’n bereft of fire divine? 

Or is she only casting off dead leaves, 

While heart quick pulsates with the real life. 

The glow and warmth that from the Master flow? 

T this Stage of the proceedings it was remembered that the 



missionary priest had only made one petition, while the 


others had been privileged to offer two. This led the 


Emperor to address the ecclesiastic with: '‘Brother David, you 
have the opportunity of presenting another petition, to which I 
promise that I shall give my careful consideration.” 

The deeply interested hearers were keenly, enthusiastically 
alert to know what would be forthcoming. If the former plead- 
ing had been productive of such national, such world-wide good^ 
what daring boldness might they not expect to witness in the 
second presentation? Of one thing they were certain; it would 
be unselfish. 

They were preparing for something startling when David 
arose, and with a tremor in his voice, which soon disappeared, 
said : "A humble disciple of the Church, deploring its condition, 
its inefficiency, its mercenary practices, its non-progressiveness, 
its lack of vitality, its being behind the times instead of leading 
every reform, I pray that, as its head, your gracious Majesty 
will call for a commission to accomplish its reformation. 

"When the Church is not advancing it is retrograding. Its 
present condition is suggestive of a company of monks living 
among the bats and moles, burrowing among the past antiquities 
and afraid to emerge into the sunlight of truth. 

"I suggest that among the investigators shall be included one 
of every Christian sect in the country. All of the truth cannot 


94 


REFORM OF THE CHURCH 


95 


be included in any one organization unless it is all-comprehensive 
and universal. The beliefs the dominant Church rejects may be 
vital truths that she must accept if she sincerely desires to uphold 
the faith once delivered to the saints. So many-sided are the 
principles of the Christian religion, that we may be in danger of 
being its open opposers if we refuse to listen to those whose 
conscience has been stirred by doctrines and practices which 
they considered untenable in the teachings of its principal repre- 
sentatives. 

''The Church must lead the people in a liberal and conciliatory 
attitude toward those of other beliefs, or what some people would 
describe as toleration — a hateful expression, as if one stood on 
such a lofty eminence that they were infallibly right and everyone 
else as certainly wrong — an assumption that may be untrue, 
because it is quite possible that an ideal infallible tribunal, one 
competent by its intimate knowledge of truth and an absolute 
impartiality, might reverse the respective positions. 

"All persecutions on account of religion must cease. The 
Church must be the protector of all that claim the name of 
Christian. It must go outside and shield the Jews from the 
intolerable cruelty and savagery of their tormentors, to whom the 
Church must administer the severest rebuke. 

"It must denounce sin in high places, the guilt of the reaction- 
aries, who are said, among their other crimes, to be responsible 
for the deplorable Jewish massacres. 

"It is implored that the Church shall refrain from putting forth 
such deceptive manifestoes as the one that was proclaimed at the 
opening of the present century which ostensibly favored religious 
freedom, but was so jesuitically worded that it could be inter- 
preted to mean anything its promulgators chose.” 

That this arraignment of the Greek Orthodox Church was felt 
to be just by everyone present was admitted, but none of them 
dreamed such severity could be used in the presence of its visible 
head. 

The Emperor was mortified, ashamed that such damaging 
testimony could be brought against a sacred institution with 
which he was primarily identified ; and that he was involved in a 
responsibility from which he could not escape. 

The sincerity of the speaker was so evident that it showed a 
convincing proof that he himself believed not only in the existence 


96 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


of the evils within the Church and in the necessity of a thorough 
reform, but also in the practicability of providing a remedy for 
its condition. 

''Brother David,” replied the Emperor, "every word that you 
utter in denunciation of the failure of the Church to come up to 
the measure of its duty is justified. The very vigor with which 
you make the attack proves that you have faith that the task is 
not hopeless, that sufficient vitality is left to make a living centre 
for carrying out its divine calling. The zeal that you show for its 
welfare encourages me to hope that you will assume the position 
of the leading spirit in its purification and uplifting. With the 
highest regard for your character, the upright and useful life you 
are leading, your mental and spiritual endowments, I hereby 
appoint you to the Archbishopric of Moscow, the office to be 
assumed as soon as I can arrange for the retirement of the present 
incumbent. 

"The first duty the country will have to perform in the peace 
for which we have arranged, and for the responsibility of its 
inauguration you have the lion's share, is to provide for paying 
the war indemnity. 

"In extenuation of the criticism to which I shall be subjected 
for my part in acquiescing in the terms, I may be allowed to 
quote a French military critic who, some months previous, had 
stated that if the war was then brought to a conclusion, it would 
be proper that Russia should pay an indemnity. 

"The mission of the Church being in the interests of peace, it 
will be eminently proper that the moneys at her disposal shall be 
diverted into providing means for the payment of the indemnity, 
and at the proper time I shall direct you to make the instalments 
from the funds held by the Church, and transfer to you the 
treasurership. This can be done without seriously endangering 
the Church's efficiency.” 

David modestly disclaimed his fitness for the high position, 
but assured the Emperor that he could be depended on in carrying 
out his wishes to the fullest extent of his power. 

The Emperor, showing how fully he shared the zeal of the 
missionary in his desires for reforms, voluntarily took up the 
difiference between the old and the new style of reckoning, by 
asking those present to remember that when Pope Gregory cor- 
rected the calendar by adding ten days to the current reckoning, 


REFORM OF THE CHURCH 


97 


the Greek Church, in its ecclesiastical pride, refused to follow the 
initiative, because it emanated from its rival, the See of Rome. 
In this it not only exhibited an unworthy, an unbrotherly and an 
unchristian sentiment, but displayed at the same time an inexcus- 
able ignorance ; for, with the exception of Russia, Europe unani- 
mously adopted the new reckoning as undoubtedly correct. 

‘'As the Church is solely responsible for the failure to make 
the reasonable change, it must now admit its error by making a 
formal declaration, assimilating her dates with the rest of the 
civilized world. I hereby make a request that on your assump- 
tion of office you will carry out my wishes in this respect.’' 

“The change ordered,” David replied, “I shall experience a 
personal pleasure in carrying it into effect, even if a confession of 
the error wounds some supersensitive and little souls who are 
never willing to admit a mistake. 

“When,” continued the responsible head of the Greek Church, 
“the commission for its reform is convened, I shall address to you, 
as its president, a message with instructions to take up the subject 
of the saints’ days, over eighty in number, which have been made 
the pretext for establishing as many national holidays. These 
excessive dedications result in unreasonable interference with 
industrial occupations, and I shall suggest that you limit the 
number to twelve. Monthly religious ceremonious days are cer- 
tainly as many as can be safely devoted to such a purpose. 

“While the example of men eminent for their zeal and piety 
has a wholesome influence on their posterity, it is quite possible 
to overdo the sentiment by magnifying their attainments; and 
without disparaging their memories it may be true that some 
living in the present day are equally as worthy. 

“I have long lamented our alienation from the original body 
of Christians, and when we have purged ourselves of some 
flagrant abuses and untenable articles of faith, we may then 
take a step forward to seek a reconciliation between the two 
branches. 

“If, in the revival for which we hope in our own organization, 
and in the desire for some common ground on which a Christian 
unity can be established, there should come an awakening which 
would extend to the original Church, freeing it from the incubus 
of its man-made theories, its idle speculations, and restoring it to 


98 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


the apostolic and true faith, then the whole world will be an 
infinite gainer. 

“And, it may be asked, why may we not look forward to the 
time when all Christian denominations, divided now by needless 
differences, will unite on a fundamental belief, historical, simple, 
comprehensive, casting out the demon of an illogical pride and 
unreason that now keep them apart, a real vital unity when all 
will believe in one God, one Lord, one faith ?” 


CHAPTER XII 


Prince Alitsyn 


When princely scions, dating lineage back, 

Their true nobility by actions prove, 

And title is confirmed by royal grace, 

No envy need dispute; deeds make true rank, 

And life is doubly blessed when honors flow 
Around him, crowned by peasant, prized by king. 

SHORT interval had elapsed Avhen the visitors were not 



surprised — and in view of the graciousness in inviting 


petitions they had been rather expecting the episode — at- 


hearing Prince Alitsyn invited for the second tirhe to air his 
views. Never was monarch in a more amiable mood. The more 
privileges he extended, the more he felt inclined to accord. He 
had been encouraged in this because every request that had been 
made that day was in the interests of the whole community. It 
was the people that he had in his mind and heart. It was in the 
development of that ideal government which he had longed to see 
exemplified into practice. 

The Prince, moreover, was a special favorite, on whom he 
could depend in any emergency to help in carrying out his 
master’s purposes. 

Rising, with bows in each direction, he began: '‘My principal 
desire is to further the designs and loyally follow my imperial 
master in his plans to ameliorate and elevate the condition of 
the Russian people. I believe I can accomplish this in no better 
way than in the cause of education. I should like to see school- 
houses in every town and village, and the best talent that can be 
obtained employed as teachers, principals and superintendents. I 
would have them go through a severe ordeal by tests as to their 
qualifications and fitness. The officers of the late army can no^ 
doubt furnish very valuable assistance in this direction, both a& 
to literary attainments and habits of discipline. 


99 


lOO 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


'‘I think the State should be at the expense of erecting the 
school-houses, which need not be pretentious, but should be 
attractive, and in interior arrangement made comfortable. 

'‘The municipal and village authorities should pay the salaries 
of the principals and assistants, while the schools and their 
management should be subject at all times to inspection by the 
State. But should it be found that in some country districts the 
inhabitants did not take an interest in the subject sufficient to 
induce them to be responsible for the teachers’ salaries, the 
general government, in its paternal character, should make up 
what might be necessary. 

'Tt is suggested that laws should be made requiring compulsory 
attendance of all between nine and fourteen years of age. 

"If, gracious sire,” turning to the Emperor, "I have exceeded 
the proprieties in the freedom with which I have ventured to 
make these suggestions, I hope I may be pardoned, pleading for 
my excuse the interest and zeal that I feel in the cause.” 

The Emperor, with one of his most engaging smiles, at once 
replied that no apologies were needed ; that the suggestions were 
received in the same spirit in which they were offered. He appre- 
ciated everything that had been advanced and the tone and sin- 
cerity with which all had been presented. To make the sugges- 
tions official, he continued ; "I will ask you. Prince, to record the 
following order : 

"In view of the paramount importance of education, I hereby 
order that school-houses shall be erected in every town and 
village throughout the country. The State will be at the expense 
of furnishing the means for the erection of the buildings, and 
it is hoped and expected that the local authorities will provide for 
the payment of the teachers.” 

Continuing, the Emperor remarked: "A wide expression has 
been given to a desire that the colleges and universities through- 
out the country shall be open to all classes, and an intimation has 
been conveyed that too great a partiality has been shown in the 
admission of the graduates. I wish to place on record my con- 
viction that all such desires are laudable, and that to repress talent 
is a serious mistake. The subject of a higher education has for 
a long time been on my mind and near my heart. 

"I shall go much further in the direction of anticipating the 
wishes of those desirous of having high educational standards ; 


PRINCE ALITSYN 


lOI 


and to increase the opportunities of those best fitted by intellectual 
ability to enter such a field, I shall devote a considerable number 
of my palaces to the use of colleges and universities, a separate 
one for each science, as electricity, astronomy, natural history, 
agriculture, horticulture. 

‘The fine and useful arts, drawing including painting, engrav- 
ing, sculpture, music, architecture, decorations, and many others, 
will be represented in the same way. 

“This system will offer so many suggestions and opportunities 
outside of the arts and sciences, that it will eventually be con- 
cluded to encourage trades to perfect their ideals, and raise the 
highest standard of efficiency in all skilled work. 

“Possibly by this time all the palaces that are not now occupied 
for a special purpose will be taken up for educational uses. 

“All the students thus received will be regarded as wards of 
the nation. 

“And now. Prince Alitsyn, while thanking you cordially for 
the interest you have taken in bringing before me this most vital 
subject, I will ask you to advise me in a similarly friendly way if 
there are any other subjects in which you feel specially inter- 
ested.’’ 

Thanking the Emperor for the graciousness with which he 
had accepted his brief efforts, the Prince replied that he under- 
stood the watchword in the new regime was Conciliation. He 
would not dignify his talk by the title of petition, but only as a 
most earnest suggestion that all officials, from the highest to the 
lowest, be instructed in their dealings and communications with 
the unofficial world to act in that conciliatory spirit that would 
avoid giving any possible cause for just offence, and to treat all 
with kindness and consideration. 

“I am startled,” he went on, “at myself for the exceeding bold- 
ness in respectfully suggesting that a circular be addressed to 
every office holder in the employ of the government, urging him 
to conduct himself in his attitude toward applicants in such a 
way that will develop the spirit of conciliation.” 

The Emperor, unmistakably pleased, said: “Prince Alitsyn, 
you are a man after my own heart. The utterances you have now 
made accord most fittingly with my own sentiments, so much so 
as if I were the speaker. 


102 


THE WA Y OF PEACE 


‘‘Will you kindly take down the draft of a letter to be sent 
to each of the employes in the service of the government, as 
follows : 


“St. Petersburg, October 19, 1955. 

“Sir. — In all the numerous reforms that have been the subjects 
of the recent imperial decrees there is one idea pervading them 
all — that is Conciliation. I desire that you will make it the watch- 
word in all your communications and dealings with the public. 
It is my wish that you will so conduct yourself that those with 
whom you are dealing shall have a right to regard you as a friend, 
as far as you represent the government. You will avoid every- 
thing that may have the appearance of oppression. 

“Hoping to have your cordial and loyal co-operation, I remain, 

“On behalf of the Emperor, 


“Alitsyn. 


CHAPTER XIII 


Intemperance 


As placid river bearing proudly by, 

A noble vessel holding costly freight, 

Is meek-eyed temperance, by virtue prized. 
Intemperance is like the angry waves 
That charged with fury beat the storm-tossed bark. 
And dash her timbers ’gainst the sunken rock. 



URPRISE following surprise had startled the little group 


sitting in a modest apartment in the palace; but still an- 


other was waiting for them. It was on a social question^ 
rather than political ; but one which, if successfully carried out, 
might be expected to have results equally as beneficent as any 
of the other reforms adopted earlier in the day. 

Without at first revealing the author, the Emperor stated that 
there was another petition ready to be brought forward. As 
each of the small audience had already presented two, it left a 
puzzle to imagine who was to present it. Did he design again 
to honor the ecclesiastic, whose persuasive, magnetic reasoning 
had such a marvellous effect on his mind and conscience? Yes, 
it must be, and this was the conclusion at which the company 
arrived. All had been so moved, so fascinated — we might say 
captured — ^by the way in which he swayed their emotions, that 
it set them on a pinnacle of curiosity to know on what subject 
he would next interest them. It would be unselfish, something 
connected with the elevation of the whole people, and they could 
already feel themselves under the preacher's influence, drawing 
them irresistibly toward him. 

In this they were to be mistaken — we were going to say disap- 
pointed — but that would be disrespectful to the monarch, who, 
going out of the course that had hitherto prevailed, said: "T 
desire to present a petition through the present company, to the 
Russian people. It is in the cause of temperance. Intemperance 


104 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


is the national curse ; it must be mitigated or destroyed. In what 
way shall it be accomplished? Shall it be through an imperial 
edict? I can conceive the carrying out of a ukase abolishing 
intemperance possible with an army of twenty millions or more of 
temperance reformers helping to enforce it, but it would require 
that number. 

''The habit is, however, so strongly formed that if a decree 
was issued now, prohibiting the manufacture of intoxicating 
drinks, the demand would be so insistent that their production 
would be diverted to illicit channels; and then we should have 
the spectacle of a law defied, which would tend to bring its author 
into disesteem. 

"I propose, in the first place, to increase the license for the 
manufacturers and the liquor sellers. Much has been said against 
the principle of licensing. How, the opposers ask, can we 
license evil ? What moral right have we to compromise with the 
powers of darkness ? 

"Still we have to consider the facts as they exist, the habits, 
not only of a lifetime, but the influence of heredity, of the power 
that custom has assumed from centuries of persistent use. 

"If we cannot have the best thing, shall we not do well to 
accept the next best that oflfers itself to our consideration? Must 
we do nothing because we cannot accomplish everything? 

"I believe in a steady, aggressive plan of diminishing the evil. 
This can be done by the State buying up every year a certain 
proportion of the agencies for the manufacture and distribution 
of all intoxicating drinks, so that in twenty years the traffic 
would cease. 

"The means that are furnished by the new licenses will be de- 
voted to the two-fold purpose of reimbursing families for the in- 
juries done them through excesses committed under the influence 
of stimulants, the seller being additionally assessed, and the yearly 
buying up of the properties engaged in the business. 

"Manufacturers would be required, under penalty of forfeiting 
their license, to diminish the strength of the intoxicants by a 
defined percentage, which would be so gradual as scarcely to be 
noticed, and toward the end the intoxicants themselves would be 
less in demand from their stimulating nature being reduced. 

"The hope and promise of reform lie with the rising generation. 
If we can succeed in preventing the young hopefuls from com- 


INTEMPERANCE 


105 


mencing in this direction the principal part of the battle will be 
won. 

''To effect this end I shall issue an order prohibiting parents 
or guardians giving the first drop to their children or those under 
tneir charge. Seeing the evils of intemperance, the parental 
instinct should be sufficiently strong to be depended on in carry- 
ing out this provision in their families. 

"The new generation having no desires for the forbidden cup 
would grow up leagued in the cause of temperance. Every one 
engaged in education will be required, as a necessary qualifica- 
tion, to be an enthusiastic supporter of temperance, both by 
constant precept and uniform example. 

"The ministers, not only of the National Church, but of every 
denomination, will be expected to enter heartily into the reform 
and extend it by every means in their power. 

"In view of the importance of the force of example, I shall 
issue instructions that wine and other stimulants shall not be 
present at my table. 

"The plan of gradual control of the liquor habit, it must 
be confessed, is in the nature of a compromise. It is open to 
the charge of being lacking in moral courage. I do not claim 
to be infallibly right, but I am trying to do what my judg- 
ment tells me is the best. All good men will be interested 
and effective helpers in the cause of temperance. A healthy 
agitation against the traffic will spring up. Year by year we shall 
see the evils decrease in a steadily diminishing proportion.^’ 


CHAPTER XIV 


Impressions 


’Tis said each one impresses other minds 
With hidden influence of power unknown, 
When plastic natures sit beneath a spell, 
Though voices be unuttered, words unsaid 
A change effect for either good or ill, 
Depress or elevate by mystic cause. 


r HE day was closing, a day momentous in history, com- 



mencing a new era in the world’s progress, affecting 


JL the rights of man, the duties of those that govern, bring- 
ing influences that will permeate the whole nation. It would be 
interesting to inquire. What were the leading impressions on 
the principals on the stage that we have seen, as to the events 
that in an orderly sequence and natural development came and 
passed with such a realistic suddenness that startled even the 
actors themselves? 

What might we reasonably suppose were the thoughts of the 
chief actor .in the scenes, as he reviewed the history of the day ? 
If we are not mistaken they assumed an educational aspect. The 
previous twenty months of trying experiences had been marked 
by progress in learning how to govern, by his determination to 
rule in kindness, to develop great thoughts toward all of every 
class, especially those oppressed ; but principally by the persistent 
efforts to attain a strength of will that would enable him to 
overcome, to sweep aside every opposing obstacle. 

The reforms that had been decreed were the culmination of 
months of quiet but persistent investigation, of active thought 
that involved the choice of many plans with a view to select the 
best. All that seemed necessary was to seize some appropriate 
time when these deliberations would eventuate into decrees. 

Casting aside any scheme for a parliament or congress, the 
leading idea in the mind of the actor was the right of petition, 


io6 


IMPRESSIONS 


107 


which he determined should be the corner-stone of the new 
government. 

But behind this there was the willingness to enter into sym- 
pathy with the aspirations of the people, to remedy their wrongs, 
to redeem Russia from the low condition to which she had sunk, 
so that she might take her place among the progressive nations 
of the world. 

Finally, there was more than ever a belief in his destiny, in 
the divine right of rulers, a realization of the serious responsibili- 
ties that attach to power, and the expectation from the world of 
onlookers that he would come up to the measure of his duty. 

During a moment of reflection a flash may have swept adown 
the avenue of the past, revealing to him his lack of purpose, his 
need of a strong assertiveness, his failure to use effectively his 
mighty power ; but now it was plain to him that his life must be 
one of persistent action. 

He may have compared this eventful day with the lives of 
individuals in their changing experiences, as he reviewed his 
summary methods with the Metropolitan, the drastic treatment 
of the Minister of War, then opening his heart to Sobieski, dis- 
cussing with the Professor and Sophia the evils that he had 
determined to remove; finally yielding to the peaceful, magnetic 
sway of the Minister of Religion, mellowing and enlarging as 
the day and night progressed, taking all the people into his 
embrace, the triumph of peace, peace in his own heart, peace 
welling over to all the world. 

What, we might ask, were the emotions of his handsome and 
amiable consort, the tactful woman whose heart was going out- 
side of herself toward the partner of her life, watching, waiting, 
hoping, with a hope that nothing could extinguish. A great 
wave of satisfaction rolled across her soul as she saw that he 
triumphed first over himself, then over his enemies, leading to 
the cause of peace that lay so deep down in her heart. 

She saw freedom unfolding, the oppressed made free, the press 
emancipated, the prisons opened, her great heart reaching out 
to all persecuted, all suffering ones, to all unjustly treated in the 
name of law. She felt freedom in the air, in the palace, in the 
family, free as they had never been before, free to go whither 
they would, earning the devotion of a loyal people, for she saw 
it all by faith. 


io8 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


Again, what, might we ask, was on the mind of the intellectual 
Professor? We may be sure his first thoughts were directed 
to his fellow men, the great surging army of fellow sufferers. He 
saw his brothers and sisters released, he saw the sunshine light 
up their faces, bringing back new life and health and strength. 
And he was glad with an infinite gladness. He was more than 
happy in the thought that in the peaceful revolution not a drop 
of blood had been shed. His role as an agitator was gone, buried 
in a historic past. He saw the rectification of wrongs, to obtain 
which he would have given up, if need be, his own life. 

But the greatest happiness of all, he felt himself already going 
to Marina, and saying: “My joy, my treasure, my delight, I am 
free to accept the heart you so generously offer me. Love for 
love I return to you. You have it all, my queen, my own.” 

If we were warranted in asking ourselves what was passing 
through the mind of the one who of the whole company possessed 
the most magnetic personality, we should be inclined to imagine 
that he might be tempted to feel elated at the success attendant 
on his petitions He would if he had been an average man, but 
he was far above any such comparison. Did we not say in his 
conquering of self that he had passed beyond that stage? 

For now he seemed to be so absorbed in the thought of being, 
as he felt, a humble instrument in the hands of his Divine 
Master in bringing in the Kingdom, that he had not otherwise 
thought of himself. He saw with rapture the day when the 
combatants, his brethren, would lay down their arms. The joy 
bells were already ringing in his ears glad paeans of delight. 

The coming glory he already appropriated by a mighty faith, 
and it filled his whole being with an unspeakable gladness. 

We can imagine that the effect on Sophia at such exhibitions 
of power was startling in the extreme. Here the Tsar was a 
veritable Aladdin. He waved his sceptre, and out of the night of 
darkness flashed the lights of mercy and truth. Again he waved 
his fairy wand, and from the desert of a million hearts, where had 
long reigned a dull despair, the blessed flowers of hope were again 
bursting into bloom. He struck the rock of oppression, and with 
a single stroke shattered it into fragments. 

But it was the influence the far-reaching decrees would have on 
those who had suffered, the benefits that would accrue to the mill- 


IMPRESSIONS 


log 


ions of her brothers and sisters, that appealed to her sympathetic 
heart the most. 

In this connection we may witness the incident where Sophia, 
yielding to her natural impulses, flung herself on her knees before 
the Tsar, and seizing the hand that had signed the decrees, caressed 
it with kisses, and quivering with emotion said: ‘'On behalf of 
the people to whose cause I am devoted, I thank you, sire, ten 
thousand times.'’ 

This would be incomplete if we omitted to state that David 
then chivalrously came forward and lifted her up, and as he ten- 
derly pressed her hand in a sympathy surging over with those that 
had suffered, he felt the returning pressure tingle through his 
whole being; or we might inquire. Was it weakness that made her 
appear to lean slightly against the tall figure of the evangelist? 
Was it in confiding assurance of the deep, the overflowing grati- 
tude she felt toward the one who had given her his heartfelt en- 
couragement, who had buoyed her up with hope, who had so sig- 
nally benefitted her? 

Was it an absolute trust in him that he would be always ready 
to guide her in the future, as one to seek when needing advice or 
comfort? Or was it from the irrepressible wellspring of an 
emotion, deep and tender, warmer than admiration, fuller than 
gratitude, wider than sympathy, a living principle that is known 
the world over as true, fervent, devoted love ? 

What, we might ask, were the emotions of the faithful servitor, 
as with ready pen he recorded the will of his imperial master ? 

We may imagine that there stole through his mind the recur- 
ring questions. Are these transformations real? Am I passing 
through a fairy dream, when at a word the world is changed? 
These queries, however, only added zest to the enthusiasm he felt 
in being the honored medium in heralding the reformation. It 
seemed as if he could scarcely contain himself in the exuberant 
gladness that surged into his being, and filled it with rejoicing. 

It was, perhaps, in the intensity of his loyalty that he experi- 
enced his greatest satisfaction, his sympathetic nature going out 
with every plan and purpose of his sovereign, who in his turn 
was conscious of the charm, the relief, that came with his 
absolute trust in the fidelity and devotion of his secretary. 


CHAPTER XV 


In the East 

If in the mad inferno in the East 

The equities existed, hurled from power 

War’s wicked instigators we should see 

Who planned to thwart Tsar’s purposes of good, 

Adrift within Port Arthur’s battered walls 
Amidst the iron hail of shot and shell. 

I N the meantime, leaving an interesting group in the palace, 
may we, on the wings of imagination, transport ourselves to 
those scenes in the Far East where the scroll of time has been 
unrolled with such a startling rapidity as almost to take away our 
breath ? 

History is repeating itself. Manchuria is still the battle-field, 
but this time with much more formidable hosts engaged on both 
sides, armed with instruments of warfare still more deadly and 
destructive. 

Russia, temporarily thwarted, baffled in her attempts to secure 
an outlet on the unobstructed waters of the Pacific, had obtained, 
by the force of might against right, possession of the province. 
After respectful and continued endeavors had been made to obtain 
an equitable adjustment of all matters in dispute, the Eastern 
allies — for China and Japan, as long foreseen, had joined hands 
to protect their common interests — were met with a series of 
delays that were exasperating and intolerable. 

Their persistency, however, eventually drew forth an agree- 
ment to evacuate the province by a date named and accepted. 

To say that the promises made and renewed on six several 
occasions were insincere would be to understate the facts to 
such an extent as to be misleading. They were in appearance 
such perversions of the truth so mendaciously false, as if uttered 
with the deliberate purpose to deceive, without the least intention 
of adhering to their repeated assurances. 


I lO 


IN THE EAST 


III 


Another version of the action of the Russian government has 
been offered by a statement that the promises represented the 
attitude of some members of the ministry who favored concilia- 
tion, but were overruled by a band of conspirators who aided the 
war party. In support of this explanation, this lack of harmony 
in the departments was notorious in St. Petersburg, and resulted 
frequently in serious clashes. 

Whichever view is finally accepted by the historian, the allies 
could receive no other impression than the one leading them to 
believe that the promises were given for the sole purpose of 
gaining time, and either making their military and naval position 
so strong as to overawe their possible opponents, or making 
preparations for assuming the offensive. 

The Russian government was clearly responsible for the war, 
judging from the tone of its replies to the natural and proper 
remonstrances of the allies, from the deceptive character of its 
diplomacy, and from its acts being totally inconsistent with its 
promises. All the while Russia was steadily pouring in her levies 
until she had gathered an enormous army of probably a hundred 
thousand men, a greater force than could possibly be needed on 
a peace footing. Into the principal naval port that she had 
obtained by underhand methods years before, a fleet had been 
accumulating at such a rate as to give the complete refutation 
to any peaceful intention. 

But now all settlement was delegated to the stern and awful 
arbitrament of war, war in all its hideousness, its exceeding 
sinfulness, war which settled no principle of right, and that could 
have been easily and honorably avoided. 

It had been a matter of the greatest amazement to the lovers 
of peace all over the civilized world to understand why there was 
not a combined and persistent effort of all the other nations to 
induce the parties to the quarrel to place all disputed questions 
before The Hague tribunal, representing the grand and Christian 
principle of arbitration. 

The inconsistency and insincerity in Russia’s refusing to be 
guided by the principles she had taken the initiative in establish- 
ing? gave the critics another opportunity to condemn the decep- 
tive nature of her diplomacy. 

So much had been hoped from this movement in the interests 
of peace, starting, as it might be well expected, a new era in the 


II2 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


world’s progress, that the failure in this instance was all the more 
glaring and disappointing. 

Some well-intentioned critic will here bring up the charge 
against the allies of being the aggressors from their taking the 
initiative against the Northern and Western power. As a techni- 
cal fact this cannot be questioned. 

To determine, however, the question of aggression, it must be 
remembered that in constantly extending the principle of terri- 
torial expansion the northern octopus had stretched out its ten- 
tacles until they had g'athered within their grasp one-third of 
Asia and more than one-half of Europe. Russia, that within 
comparatively recent times had been limited by the Volga, by 
steady and persistent encroachments had carried her eagles 
across the Ural Mountains, reduced the brave, the heroic moun- 
taineers of the Caucassus, encircled the Caspian Sea, conquered 
Turkestan, bullied Persia, cajoled with Afghanistan and threat- 
ened India. On, on, she pursued her way toward the rising sun, 
bridged the Obi and the Yenisei, and continued her march till 
she stood on the shores of the Pacific Ocean. Russia was now 
in arms for the purpose of continuing her scheme of conquest 
and absorption. Her admission that she had no right in north- 
ern China was proved conclusively by her repeated promises to 
evacuate the territory. Her presence in Manchuria established 
the fact that she was the real aggressor. 

When a sheriff in placing the real owner in possession of his 
property is carrying out the decree of a court of justice, his 
action, though forcible, cannot be classed as aggressive, for it 
was in defence of the law which assured a rightful protection to 
the true owner. The allies were fighting for the purpose of driv- 
ing out the aggressive usurper, and virtually in self-defence, for 
the national life of Japan and Manchuria was menaced. 

The mendacious charge of the real aggressor was the lion’s 
complaint against the lamb for having disturbed the waters in 
the stream from which he went to drink. Will it be too sweep- 
ing a statement to assert that the conclusion of an impartial public, 
whose only aim is to render a true, fair and righteous verdict, 
will be that Russia had by her own acts invited all the disasters 
from which she has suffered? 


IN THE EAST 


113 

That she should assume to make any plea whatever for her 
course is an insult to the intelligence of the one to whom it is 
offered. 

After enduring successive defeats the Russian military au- 
thorities, in their endeavor to set themselves right in the eyes of 
a criticising world, never appeared to be tired of claiming they 
were caught unawares. There was not a day that they did not 
give utterance to this weak and unworthy plea. 

The real truth was that they had despised and underrated their 
opponents. They had swaggered so constantly of their own 
superiority as to make it impossible for their soldiers to conceive 
that those of smaller stature than themselves could have any 
real chance in an actual contest. 

They had been rudely awakened from their supercilious dream 
of superiority by the vigor and valor of their opponents, their 
skill in arms, their fearlessness in attack, their courage, their 
fortitude, their intelligence, their perfect discipline, and their ab- 
solute loyalty. Obstacles seemingly insuperable they had seen 
overcome. Positions and forts deemed impregnable had been 
captured. 

But of all the senseless talk, the frothy vaporings, let loose by 
the war, none has been so supremely, so utterly ridiculous as that 
which has given expression to the fear of the ‘^yellow peril''. It 
is as absurd as the picture representing a bull-dog in terror of a 
mite that sits in a lady's lap. The Eastern people are principally 
engaged in agricultural pursuits and whose natural desires are 
to live in peace. If they had shown any indication that in the 
future they would be seriously formidable, such an attitude could 
be attributed only to a proper desire for self-defence. They had 
been dispossessed of their lands, had been inhumanly treated; 
thousands had been slaughtered by their merciless foes. Were 
they to endure contumely, despoliation and death without rising 
to resist the aggressor? 

But should a time come when there may be a real danger from 
this source, the sole responsibility will lie with the Western na- 
tions ; it will be the natural recoil of their own acts. 

Japan, as the leading member of the allies, is entitled to our un- 
bounded respect and sympathy. 

Those whose judgment is influenced by military and naval 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


114 

prowess must decide that she is entitled to take rank among the 
foremost nations of the world. 

But by the people at large, she must be respected from the won- 
derful advance she has made in progress and enlightenment, from 
her virtues of forbearance, and magnanimity. 

In the organization and management of her Red Cross Society, 
a fair estimate of her humanity can be obtained, and in this she 
stands without a peer. 


CHAPTER XVI 


Peace Negotiations 

Appalled by wicked, fratricidal strife, 

Dear angels came and whispered, “Brother, peace!” 

The voice became a song; it echoed far and wide, 

The anthem rolled along the vault of heaven. 

Its deep toned chorus swept to distant star, 

And all the universe made glad acclaim. 

M atters had so far progressed in Pekin that by noon 
of Thursday, October 20, 1955, or seven o'clock by 
the corresponding hour in St. Petersburg, the negotia- 
tons for peace were taken up, and in three hours pressed to a 
successful conclusion. 

Never had a peace involving so many considerations and de- 
tails been concluded so quickly. If a commission had been ap- 
pointed, and its duration had continued for a month, it would 
not have accomplished any more than was quietly and definitely 
settled in a few hours. The terms named by the allies were ac- 
cepted. As the Saghalien Islands were so long in Russia’s pos- 
session the clause stipulating for their cession to Japan was not 
insisted on. In pursuance of instructions General Lupatkin, on 
behalf of the Emperor of Russia, signed the treaty of peace, and 
General Moyama, performed a similar service, acting for the 
Emperors of China and Japan. 

The next step was the publication of the imperial proclama- 
tion announcing peace and the disbanding of the army, a copy 
of which is here reproduced. 

'Troclamation — To My Comrades in Arms 

''Deploring the evils of war, filled with an inconsolable grief 
at the appalling loss of life, I have arranged with our for- 
mer enemies, but now our friends, for an enduring peace. The 
terms have been adjusted in a friendly spirit. There is nothing 




ii6 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


left to do but to disband the army. The arbitrament of war has 
signally failed. And here it would be proper to acknowledge the 
valor, the intrepidity of our former foes, to which those who 
fought on our side in many a desperate and long drawn out en- 
gagement will be the first to testify. I submit to a higher power 
than man, to the Prince of Peace, who has bidden us to love our 
enemies and exemplify the blessedness of our being children of 
one common Father. 

‘'Transportation will be furnished to those who desire to go 
to their homes. Those who wish to continue in the service of the 
State, as carpenters, blacksmiths, road builders, mechanics of 
all kinds, will be employed by the government. Officers who de- 
cide to be enrolled in the cause of education are invited to send 
their names and addresses to the Minister of Education, St. 
Petersburg, stating their qualifications and to what part of the 
country they wish to be assigned. 

“To the cause of peace I shall devote my life and my powers. 
Nevermore shall my countrymen be dragged from their homes 
to engage in an aggressive warfare. I shall hope that every 
member of the force will henceforth be a moving principle in 
the cause and interest of peace. 

“Michael, 

''Commander-in-Chief of the late army/' 

And now had come the reign of peace, peace with its holy 
benedictions, with its divine healings, peace folding all on both 
sides with its heavenly mantle, pitying, embracing all, peace 
for which the armies had longed, for which the nation had sighed. 

And every peace lover, every humane soul, every one interested 
in the progress of the race, will hope and pray that that reign 
will be long and glorious. 

The delight, the rejoicing, the enthusiasm, with which the 
proclamation was hailed by every one in the subordinate ranks of 
the army, was indescribable ; it would be correct to say, in both 
armies. Men, even those least emotional, embraced each other. 
Some sunk on their knees in reverent thanksgiving. Others 
danced for very joy; some rolled on the ground in the exuberance 
of their happiness. Vivas and bravos swept along the long lines, 
and were taken up again and again as paeans reverberating from 
echoing hills. 


PEACE NEGOTIATIONS 


117 

They were glad with such a tumultuous gladness as they had 
never before experienced in their whole lives, at events which 
they had thought were impossible of fulfilment and inconceiv- 
able. Their first thoughts were for their families and lovers; 
they were already in their arms ; they were holding them in fast 
embrace ; again they were at home ; the children clustering 
around them, climbing on their knees and pressing kisses on their 
lips. 

Then their hearts went out to their stricken, grievously 
wounded comrades, suffering agonies, crazed with racking pains, 
mutilated, torn, dismembered, many of them beyond hope. The 
unnumbered and unhonored dead, for whom the last sepul-- 
ture had been performed by the gallant bands among their former 
foes, swept before their tortured vision, comrades whose live^ 
had been as dear to themselves as the lives were to those who sat 
in gilded palaces, surrounded by luxuries. 

Was it possible in this lull of the rattle of small arms, in the 
quenching of the roar of cannon, in the stillness that peace had 
brought, in the quiet hour, free from distraction, when thought 
must awaken within reflecting minds among the ranks, was if 
possible, we repeat, for them to ask the question, ''Why was this 
colossal crime of conscripting men by the hundreds of thousands 
from their homes, unwilling victims, to engage in a war in which 
they had no interest, a war which could have been easily avoided, 
which arose from the dishonor attached to the failure to adhere 
to promises given and renewed repeatedly and flagrantly broken ? 

They would not have been human if they had not asked. Why 
was this crime of crimes permitted, that sent its unnumbered dead 
to sleep in alien graves, with no mourner to shed a tear above 
their remains, that filled the hospitals with scores of thousands of 
wounded men, that left multitudes of victims who would be com- 
pelled to be permanent sufferers from their injuries? 

Would they have been like the rest of ordinary mortals if they 
had not said. Woe to the war party that had sent them out as a 
pastime, while they themselves stayed at home in safe seclusion, 
regardless of the suffering of their victims and perhaps making 
a profit out of their calamities? 

For, in their magnanimity, they had refrained from reproaching 
the Tsar, whom they knew to be an unwilling party to the strife, 
though it must be confessed some dissatisfied ones kept continu- 


ii8 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


ously repeating the inquiry, Why should not the Emperor, who 
was understood to have autocratic rule, have ordered things dif- 
ferently, and prevented the war ? Could he atone to the dead for 
his failure to assert himself as master of the situation? Could 
he be forgiven for meekly submitting to a faction and not taking 
the reins into his own hands? The action of that portion of the 
army that was depended on by its superiors to do its hideous 
work proved incontestably that the claim of some one-sided critics 
that war was popular was a lie, a word not usually considered 
polite in a controversy, but used because there is no stronger, a 
misrepresentation so foul, so brazenly false, that it is a matter 
of amazement how any one can be found to perpetuate the delu- 
;,sion. 

S really small but noisy minority, taking on itself to represent 
tlie nation, had been shouting itself hoarse in its clamor for a 
continuance of the war. Against this clique was opposed the 
great body of the people, whose voice had been growing stronger 
every day and hour, and had been making itself increasingly 
heard and recognized. Pleas and remonstrances had risen into 
insistence and demands that the war should cease. Into its awful 
vortex it seemed as if the life blood of the contending armies had 
been poured as a libation to the god of war, while the other na- 
tions stood by with uplifted hands, paralyzed at the terrific spec- 
tacle, and only deterred from taking some action to stay the 
crime by a fear of adding to its magnitude. The voice of the 
awakened conscience was appealing in an accumulating force to 
stop the sacrifice; no terms could be more dishonorable than a 
continuance of the struggle. So it was that at this juncture, when 
the times were ripe for peace, that it had been proclaimed. 

The war party were fuming with rage. The power they had 
used to influence the policy of the Tsar — it would be more correct 
to say dictate his course — had suddenly and by summary tactics 
been snatched from their grasp. 

While they had been sleeping he had been busy negotiating 
with the aforetime enemy. Now no enemy existed. Peace had 
been inaugurated. The army on which they had depended for 
carrying out their designs had been disbanded, thus rendering 
the party powerless. Their weapons had been taken from their 
hands. 

Nor did the plan of hectoring the Tsar require any especial per- 


PEACE NEGOTIATIONS 


1 19 

sonal couragfe. The chief of a military bureau, in the seclusion 
and warmth of a room in a certain building*, may press a button 
which shall set in motion movements that shall start an army. 
But the bravery, the dauntless fearlessness, that distinguished 
the private in the ranks, did not belong to the titled aristocrats 
who represented the war party. 

In their short sightedness and very selfishness, they had not 
stopped to consider the force, the power that was already being 
developed in an emancipated press. 

Another element also unforseen was an aroused public senti- 
ment, that, with the aid of a free press, was to become a potent 
factor in controlling and subduing every indication of a re- 
actionary nature. They might as well attempt to dam up the 
waters of the Niagara River, with the pressure of the Lakes re- 
enforcing it, as to resist the power of an intelligent and well-di- 
rected popular expression supporting the throne and law. 

The directors of the telegraph company were early charged to 
withhold all despatches that might conflict with the progress of 
the peace neg'otiations ; and, seeing the probable trend of events, 
were willing to have a temporary censor from the palace assume 
a practical control. 

The war had never been popular. Many had suspected that 
it was a part of a plot and policy of the reactionary leaders to 
delay the reforms for which the best people were clamoring. 

It would be good policy, then, for the Emperor to take the 
nation into his confidence, and publish the news of peace as soon 
as the final confirmation had been concluded. 

This was done by noon of Thursday, October 20, 1955. 
The news was early communicated to the leading foreign govern- 
ments, and was received with the profoundest satisfaction, no- 
where more so than in England. 

The principles of the baron chiefs who compelled King John 
to sign the Magna Charta, limiting the power of the sovereign, 
had slowly extended and descended to all ranks. The freedom 
of the subject was so zealously guarded by the English people 
that conscription, that appeared to be the settled policy of all 
other European governments, has never reached a stage fur- 
ther than talk. The sturdy natives must be free. Hence the 
power of public opinion is nowhere in the world stronger than 
in Great Britain. A pervasive moral sentiment existed there 


120 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


against the war, against all wars. It was daily becoming more 
pronounced. Although her navy was still without a peer, her 
declension as a military power was known to every court in 
Europe, and infinitely to her credit. Men like Cromwell, the 
uncrowned king, no longer ruled her destinies. 

But there was a grand rally of sentiment among all constitu- 
tional governments, all lovers of freedom the world over, when 
it was known that peace in Russia was only a part of the new 
imperial policy of reform. 

The President of the United States sent a characteristic des- 
patch to the Emperor, in which he stated that although the rules 
regulating international comity forbade any interference with 
the internal government of foreign countries, yet it was impos- 
sible to avoid the most hearty congratulations in approval of the 
new policy of the Russian government when it was formed for 
the people and in their interests. It was further suggested that 
this benevolent principle would do more to aid good feeling be- 
tween the two peoples than anything that had ever happened in 
Russian history; and it was fervently desired that the new era 
of peace and good-will would be productive not only of per- 
manent benefit at home, but also have an influence that would 
penetrate through the whole world, hastening the glad day 
when peace shall have universal sway. 


CHAPTER XVII 


An Overheard Conversation 

With what glad joy the traveller returns 
To breathe the incense-laden native air, 

And greet each well-known object, hill and vale, 

As homesick, weary, finds his pulses stirred; 

Impatient, quickens step to clasp in haste 
Child, wife, and mother dear in fond embrace. 

I N a tent occupied by two members of the Siberian Rifles, 
Ivan Dimitroff and Paul Rometzki, an animated conversa- 
tion occurred, which is here reproduced: 

Ivan — ''What joyful news this is of peace. I am forgetting 
for the moment my pains and aches in utter gladness.’’ 

Paul — "And it comes so sudden and unexpected, too.” 

Ivan — "I am already in my little home. My darling Vera, 

four years old, is on my lap, her arms around my neck, her 

kisses on my lips and lisping, 'Papa, we have waited and longed 
for you ever so much.’ Peter, two years older, is standing up 
with one arm around my shoulders, and saying, 'You will never 
go away from us again, will you, father? When I tell my 
precious wife, God bless her sweet face, that I shall never be 
called to go to war again, she hugs and kisses me in a rapture 
of delight, and thanks God for permitting her to hold me in her 
fond embrace once more.” 

Paul — "And I, too, shall return home, never to leave the dear 
spot. Natalia is already in my arms, pressing her kisses on my 

face. Then she holds me at arm’s length to look at me, to see 

that her eyes are not deceiving her, and again she flings her arms 
around me at the glad reality.” 

Ivan — "What a blessed thing it was that put the idea into the 
mind and heart of the Tsar to send us back to our homes. I 
was dreading the prospect of a winter campaign, perhaps drill- 
ing in the snow and ice or on outpost duty, with the north wind 


I2I 


122 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


piercing* through one's uniform, making it impossible to keep 
warm, or it may be repelling an attack from our wily enemy." 

Paul — ''But, Ivan, don't you often think what wonderful 
heroes these little men, the enemy, really are? Did you ever 
hear or read of such desperate, forlorn attacks, whole companies 
coming up, every man of whom was killed, and another de- 
tachment taking their place with the same result, and continuing 
such bold attacks, never, it seemed, ready to give in." 

Ivan — "Yes, and you cannot help having the most genuine 
respect for such a foe, one who knows not what it is to fear." 

Paul — "The worst regret that we shall ever have is the 
thought of the inhuman barbarities that some of our soldiers 
practised on the enemy in firing on them in the water, refusal to 
recognize flags of truce, and torturing their victims on the bat- 
tle-field." 

Ivan — "But, Paul, can you understand how the historians 
have conspired to misrepresent their accounts of warfare? One 
would think from the way in which they throw their glamour 
over the 'pomp and circumstance' of war, that it was a life in 
which the soldier took a pleasure and a pride, as if it was an 
agreeable thing to stand up and be shot at. They seem to have 
painted a pretty picture, that was false to the realities, and cov- 
ered up the tragic circumstances, the wounds, the mutilations, the 
unspeakable agonies witnessed in every action." 

Paul — "But, don't you think, Ivan, that the most brazen in- 
accuracy is in speaking of the officers as accomplishing every- 
thing, while the privates, like ourselves, go through all the hard- 
ships and do all the dirty work." 

Ivan — "And not the least astonishing feature of the whole 
wretched business is that no one seems to understand the origin 
of, or the necessity for, the war. I don't believe that five men in 
the ranks of our regiment have any idea as to its cause." 

Paul — "No, all that we were brought together for was to fight 
another's battles at the mere will of the commander." 

Ivan — "Then the utter absurdity of our being called to fight 
people who had never done us any injury and whom we had 
previously never seen." 

Paul — "Such terrible privations we often went through, suf- 
fering from hunger and thirst, with no prospect of relieving 
either. 


AN OVERHEARD CONVERSATION 


123 


'' 'Weary and wounded and worn/ and still dragging ourselves 
along, pelted with bullets and torn with shells. At last, many of 
us, no longer able to continue in the march, would drop down 
from sheer exhaustion on the bare, cold ground or road, with no 
shelter from the pitiless storm, anywhere to rest our tired limbs, 
even if the exposure left us with rheumatic ills that would cling 
to us closer than a brother.'' 

Ivan — “And all for what? The sacrifices, the injuries, the 
agonies, and it seemed the utter hopelessness of the situation, 
we saw no end to it ajl. What compensation were we to re- 
ceive for our losses? What returns could any one make to us 
that would be a proper recompense?" 

Paul — “To make matters worse, a number of contractors and 
officers used their opportunities to make money out of furnish- 
ing the supplies, so that the army had to suffer from food unfit 
to eat and insufficient quantity of the necessities of life." 

Ivan — “One thing we hope the army will agree on is the up- 
holding of the new policy of the Tsar. We must do all we can 
to aid him in his good purposes. We may expect that some dis- 
satisfied members will determine to make trouble and attempt to 
thwart his action and intentions. All loyal men must frown down 
any such disloyal and treasonable courses." 

Paul — “A persistent fact about war is that it is misrepresented. 
If the truth were told about it, they would never get any one to 
fight their battles." 

Ivan — “Yes, they even go so far as to speak about the war 
being popular. They can't mean it." 

Paul — “No one of my acquaintance, either in or out of the 
army, has ever talked to me in that way. At home, my friends 
all pitied me, and when I was conscripted and had to go to the 
front, they acted as if they were going to my funeral." 

Ivan — “The only persons I ever heard of with whom the war 
was popular were newspaper men, who were always looking out 
for something new about which to write, as if they could not find 
a-plenty of good news to tell the people, without harassing their 
souls with calamities." 

Paul — “And now, Ivan, when we are at home once more, 
never, I hope to leave again, then we shall appreciate by con- 
trast its comforts, its happiness, its delights. Then should any 


124 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


one in my hearing say that war was popular, I would tell him 
he is repeating something about which he knows nothing/’ 

Such was the joy of the two soldiers at the prospect of bidding 
good>by to army life, that ever and anon through the long 
night they might be heard, talking of this subject and then of 
that, ever recurring to the great-hearted Tsar, who had pro- 
claimed the peace, peace for which they had longed with an 
indescribable longing, peace which had entered their souls, peace 
that they would take back to their friends, their families, their 
dear ones, and thanking God devoutly that they felt they were 
already on the way to 


Home and Love. 


CHAPTER XVIII 


The Loyal Legion 


Some men are leaders born; some live to serve; 

One fits the other as the glove the hand. 

Who has magnetic courage wields a power 
That presses forward with resistless force; 

Whoever leadeth in a righteous cause 
Has in his servitors his greatest joy. 

HEN the first news of peace came to the army in the 



East, like a lightning flash, or a meteoric blaze in 


the dead of night, startling by its very suddenness, 


the sense of relief was so intense as to exclude, with the great 
majority, every other consideration. To those whose ideas 
centred around a military pride it was natural to desire to 
know the terms that had been negotiated. From the steady and 
persistent pushing back of their arms, it was felt, of course, 
that they could not be favorable to their side. It was depress- 
ing; it was dispiriting. 

Still to the bulk of the army anything seemed preferable to 
the continuance of a struggle that had been so disastrous. They 
were in a distant country, thousands of miles away from their 
homes. A homesickness was driving out of their thoughts any 
attachment that might be faintly lingering to the service. 

But here a situation was developing, so entirely unexpected 
that no one had ever dreamed of its happening. It arose among 
the officers from a generous appreciation of the determination 
of the sovereign to bring the war to a close. The very boldness 
of the movement appealed to their sense of courage, and elec- 
trified the best spirits among the force. It accorded with their 
conception of the value of the will-power needful to inaugurate 
so radical a policy and the force of character to announce peace 
as the new and established principle of the government. 

They realized that it was a bitter blow to the personal pride 


125 


126 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


of the head of the nation, but they also knew, beyond a doubt, 
that the resolution was taken in the interests of the units com- 
posing the army, in the cause of suffering humanity, in the awful 
consciousness that the loss of life was too horribly appalling, the 
attendant miseries too frightful, its wickedness too heinous to 
contemplate. 

They felt that the sensitive pride that urged a continuance 
of the war was a poor counterbalance to the evils it had produced. 
From the death of this false pride they saw in advance a higher 
national life, from which all would receive a rich and signal 
benefit. A new devotion impelled by a natural sense of gratitude 
had sprung up, more real than the physical courage that was 
ready to charge at the cannon’s mouth. 

And so it happened that on the same day that peace was pro- 
claimed, a number of the officers formed a society called ''Loyal 
Friends of the Tsar,” which afterward became better known as 
the "Loyal Legion.” 

They knew too well that this breach with the war party left 
the sovereign to a certain extent at their mercy, unless he could 
be surrounded by loyal friends who would take up his cause and 
thwart any evil machinations of his adversaries, protecting by 
every means possible his personal safety, and proving the most 
efficient aid in carrying out his beneficent plans. 

Wherever they went, each member would form a nucleus 
around which others of kindred sympathies would rally. Some 
of the leaders would form a body-guard around the Emperor; 
others would stand ready to accept any positions to which they 
might be assigned. 

The spontaneousness of the new enterprise gave it a strength 
and a vitality that bade fair to be of the most important value 
in the new career on which the country had entered, one pregnant 
with results so far-reaching, so world-wide, as to be fairly incon- 
ceivable to ordinary minds. 

From the officers it was most natural, so fervent was the im- 
pulse, that it should spread to the subordinate ranks, who caught 
the infection and pleaded to be allowed to join the order. 

Such was the intensity of the loyalty that initiated the move- 
ment that it could not afford to be exclusive. It spread like 
wildfire through the army. With the impetus with which it had 
started it must gather into its ranks all who were animated with 


THE LOYAL LEGION 


127 


the same principles of devotion. They would be as loyal to the 
Emperor in peace as they had been in war. Their habits of dis- 
cipline would help to make them most efficient in suppressing 
disorders of any kind that might be expected to arise and cause 
trouble during the period in which the country was settling 
down after its excitement. 

So all ranks joined the association, men of various acquire- 
ments and capacities, willing to go anywhere the sovereign 
might call them. 

A list of the names, their ages and addresses, with their 
qualifications, was made out in duplicate, one to be forwarded to 
St. Petersburg; the other for the one elected by the members to 
be its head. 

The news of this was, of course, immediately telegraphed to 
the press, with the result that wherever other portions of the 
army were stationed, the same sentiments were aroused and 
other associations formed in all respects similar to the original. 

Thus did good come out of evil. If there had not been re- 
verses to the army, there would not have happened the oppor- 
tunity of calling forth this evidence of the great-heartedness of 
its commander. The incentive would be lacking, and the world, 
it is believed, would not have seen the spectacle of the dissolu- 
tion of an army and on the same day the enrollment of an or- 
ganization formed on the principles of peace and loyalty. 

A few malcontents, for whom war, with all its horrors, its 
vileness, its inexcusableness, had still its votaries, stood out 
against the prevailing sentiment, and were henceforth marked 
men. They were dangerous and would have to be watched, 
lest, nursing their scarcely disguised treason, they might develop 
into active enemies of their country’s best interests. 

With such an enthusiasm was the Legion started that on the 
first day one thousand were enrolled, the number increasing 
every day, so that within ten days twenty thousand had signed 
the records. 

When the question was asked, hundreds of times every day. 
Why did not the Emperor, seeing, knowing the existence of the 
evils by which he was surrounded, take decisive steps to abolish 
or mitigate them, when it was natural to believe that an auto- 
cratic monarch had the power to effect a remedy, then nine times 
out of ten the answers were given that he could not depend on 


128 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


those around him, that others controlled and prevented his de- 
veloping the ideals that his mind and heart had formed. In 
other words the excuse implied that he was alone. 

But the action of the Loyal l^egion would now offer convinc- 
ing proof that he was not alone, that he would be upheld by the 
strong arm of his loyal supporters, on whom he could depend 
in carrying out his policy. 

Here at a critical moment this source of strength was made 
available, a development that was so entirely unforeseen that it 
had never entered into the mind of the Tsar to conceive. The 
founding of the order established a new and abiding confidence, 
that for whatever course was right, a way would be provided to 
carry it out to a complete success. 

Such a load of care and anxiety was removed from the burden 
that the monarch was carrying, that he experienced a new 
strength and vigor, inspiring and aiding him to perform the 
arduous task that government exacted. 

Could such a display of a sincere and unsolicited loyalty be 
without drawing forth a responsive acknowledgment from the 
one to whom this devotion was directed? He would accept 
their attachment to his person in the same open, sincere way in 
which it had been offered, surrounding himself with the choice 
spirits among the Legion ; trusting in their absolute fidelity and 
bearing them on his mind and heart. Instead of arbitrary rule 
he would reign in love. The Legion should be the recipients of 
his love, and through them it should go out to the nation. 

When the news gatherers in the field — now the field of peace 
— with that admirable promptness that accompanied their every 
enterprise, had sent detailed despatches as to the sudden rise and 
progress of the Loyal Legion, the Emperor acknowledged this 
burst of loyalty by a cordial invitation to the members to visit 
him in St. Petersburg. 

While this was happening, the garrison at the capital, ever in 
intense sympathy with their comrades at the front, were 
awakened into responsive action at noon of October 20, 1955, as 
the telegraph wires flashed particulars of the starting of the new 
organization. 

‘'What influences our compatriots abroad stirs us at home in 
an equally strong degree,'' was the comment on the news. “We 
have been witnesses," they said, “of the goodness, the gracious- 


THE LOYAL LEGION 


129 


ness, the considerateness with which the Emperor has uniformly 
treated us. We, too, will be his firm, his fast friends. We will 
protect him from the harsh criticism of those who will presume 
to interfere with his policy. We will defend his person against 
any possible enemy, no matter from what source.'' 

The contagiousness of this sentiment swept through the gar- 
rison; it embodied itself into action. Sheets of foolscap were 
passed around among the officers, with preambles and promises 
and signed in duplicate. 

The furore communicated itself, as it had among the army in 
the East, to the privates who pleaded to be allowed to enroll 
their names. 

Every officer's name was on the roll with two exceptions, and 
all the privates who could write. Those who had made them- 
selves conspicuous by their seeming disloyalty were the colonel 
of one of the regiments, an irreconcilable, who had become 
hated on account of his severity, and who lived in a dream of 
action and promotion; the other, his first lieutenant, who saw 
the animus of his superior, and judged that he could be of more 
value to his sovereign by apparently siding with the colonel. 

While the signatures were being secured, one of the officers, 
impressed with the importance of saving time when their ser- 
vices might be seriously needed, rushed to the palace, where he 
had long been favorably known, and begged a personal audience 
with the Emperor. On his being promptly presented, he urged, 
as a measure of precaution, that his Majesty should at once sur- 
round himself with those who had come out spontaneously and 
openly as his true friends. This, he said, appeared specially 
necessary in view of the attitude of the colonel who had refused 
to join the order. The plan he suggested was that twelve of the 
officers whom he named should be summoned to the palace to 
act as a body-guard, and that the others should remain to watch 
the colonel's actions. They would also bring with them the 
papers connected with the new order. 

A courier was consequently despatched, commanding the 
colonel to send at once the twelve officers designated on an ac- 
companying list. The one to whom the commands were ad- 
dressed was so abruptly surprised in his too late visions of 
imaginary conquests that he had not time to collect his thoughts, 
else he might have concocted some scheme for delaying com- 


130 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


pliance with the orders of his sovereign. In reality he was so 
unnerved — how guilt will paralyze the evil plotter! — that he 
gave prompt instructions to the first lieutenant to comply with 
the imperial requests, and the latter soon had the satisfaction of 
seeing the twelve driven ofif. 

On arrival at the palace and the presentation of their papers, 
the Emperor was so affected with the exceeding promptness 
with which they had given expression to their devotion that for 
a few moments he seemed at a loss to reply, till, moved by a gen- 
erous impulse, he embraced each one. 

It was all so wonderful, so comforting, so inspiring, A few 
hours previous he had ordered the commanding general in the 
field to sign the peace. The peace had been proclaimed. Loyalty 
of such a peculiar character had silenced the doubts in his own 
mind as to how the peace policy would be received by the brave 
men in arms. 

Born in the East amid the scenes of carnage and destruction, 
flashed by the lightnings to the capital, it had already given the 
convincing evidence of its reality, its sincerity, its value. It 
was the capstone in the arch that made his position strong and 
secure. His triumph was complete. His satisfaction was the 
victory of right over might. It was the cause of humanity 
against inhumanity, the cause of the people against an unholy 
ambition. 

And so the Loyal Legion were established in the palace, in 
the place of honor. For what honor could be greater than to 
uphold the arms of the one man who had taken the stand of 
ruling in righteousness, the one autocrat in all the world who 
so far suppressed the military spirit as to order a peace when it 
was clamoring for further victims to its Juggernaut? And every 
one of this interesting band of twelve was eventually honored 
by his sovereign with positions and dignities greater than he had 
ever expected to receive — ministers at the councils of the Em- 
peror, governors of provinces and ambassadors at foreign courts. 

In two weeks the first company from the East made their ap- 
pearance at the capital, and were received in the palace, literally 
with open arms. They were the originals of what had developed 
into a mighty movement. Wherever they went they fanned the 
embers of loyalty into a flame that consumed all doubts and dis- 
trust as to the intentions and policy of the sovereign. 


THE LOYAL LEGION 


131 

They had been longing* to convey their personal assurances 
that their devotion was not in any sense formal, but was deep 
and true, and they desired to prove their assertion by service 
whenever and wherever desired. 

In response the Emperor assured them all how very deeply 
their loyalty had touched his heart, and that he on his part 
would return their devotion with his warmest affection. 

The promptness with which the Legion had rallied round the 
Emperor was most opportune, for it was of the utmost import- 
ance that the support that he vitally needed should be rendered 
before the reactionaries could pluck up their courage to put their 
schemes in execution for regaining their influence. 

That in their selfish infatuation this attempt would be made, 
every one believed ; but such headway had law and order secured,, 
such supreme satisfaction had come with the freedom, the peace, 
the harmony that the nation enjoyed, no one doubted that any 
opposition would meet with ignominious defeat. 


CHAPTER XIX 


The Press — The Editor 


What power imperial he wields! His sway 
Is felt in other lands beyond his own. 

He dips his weapon in its lake of ink, 

And cuts and lances at his own sweet will. 

While not content with spreading wide his light, 
He does the thinking for his clientele. 



O say that the editors of the Russian press were enthu- 


siastic in their appreciation of the new condition of 


affairs, would only mildly state the case. They were 


electrified into action. Such vigor they put into their editorials, 
such hearty and unstinted praise they meted out to all who had 
helped to establish the freedom of the press, such unmeasured 
intensity in their warnings and denunciations of those who 
opposed the righteous longings for liberty, that St. Petersburg 
opened its eyes wide and wondered and admired the boldness 
of the writers. They enjoyed the spectacle of seeing their 
enemies in the pillory lampooned and lashed before the people’s 
g'aze. The praise and the invectives made an impression on the 
readers of which they had been unconscious. Hitherto words 
had been whispered with bated breath for fear the walls con- 
cealed some spy who would magnify or distort their utterances. 
Public opinion, in other countries a mighty force, was here un- 
known. There was none. 

Dimly they commenced to realize the mighty force there was 
behind a righteous public sentiment. It was like an electric 
storm clearing the political atmosphere. 

So long had the talents of the writers remained in obscurity 
that the people had seldom looked for anything beyond medioc- 
rity in their writings. The press had received so many cautions, 
orders, injunctions and warnings, that the editors concluded to 
let their readers institute their own comments on the little news 


132 


THE PRESS— THE EDITOR 


133 


they were allowed to print. It was even supposed that if the 
time should ever come when a degree of freedom should be per- 
mitted in discussions that the editorial pen so long enslaved would 
have lost its ability to arouse popular feeling. 

But that the talent was latent the virile pen proved unmistak- 
ably, for the editorial mind was seen to be keenly alive to grasp 
the new situation. 

If an attempt was made to g'ive the tenor of the editorials that 
appeared on the evening of the memorable twentieth day of 
October, 1955, it might be said that their leading idea, with ever- 
varying expression, was an intense loyalty to the person of the 
Emperor. All intelligent people knew that, with his generous 
disposition, he fretted under the restraints that were imposed 
upon him. Of a person of a stronger will we should have to 
state that it was a restraint he had formerly permitted others 
to impose. But with great generosity and unanimity no allusion 
was made to any aspect of weakness. If it came into the con- 
sciousness of the writers it appeared to be fully atoned by the 
strength of mind and will displayed in the ukases and orders 
given out within the last thirty-six hours, every one of which 
was in the interests of freedom. Then this aspect was dwelt 
on, that these concessions, while apparently weakening the auto- 
cratic power, strengthened the dynasty so immeasurably, setting 
it on a foundation stronger and more secure than ever, that it 
was a distinct gain to all interests. 

There was a general rejoicing that the revolution had been 
bloodless, for it was a real revolution; and unbounded gratitude 
was due to the Emperor for having initiated and successfully 
carried it through, in the face of a disheartening and discourag- 
ing opposition. 

Added to this, there was an intimation from some of the fore- 
most and most fearless in the fraternity, that revolutions do not 
go backward, and that the people, once enjoying freedom, would 
never permit themselves to be again enslaved. 

All of the papers enumerated the imperial decrees in the or- 
der in which they had been enacted, a startling succession of 
good news, which set the people wild with approval and con- 
gratulations. 

But the most outspoken and scathing language of all was in 
denunciation of the reactionaries, who were represented as the 


134 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


worst, the most insidious, the most persistent and dangerous of 
all the enemies of the nation. Their remorseless and cold-blooded 
cruelty was keeping the country in the ignorance and darkness 
of the feudal ages. They were making the name of Russia a 
byword among the nations, a name to be treated with contempt. 
At the same time there was an unconcealed indignation against 
those who were responsible for her unhappy condition. It was 
hoped that, like foul spirits of the deep, they would hide their 
guilty heads in shame. 

Such was the effect of these terrific blasts of righteous wrath 
that it was a long time before the reactionaries ventured on the 
streets of St. Petersburg in the daytime. 

To every lover of freedom, to every patriot longing for the 
emancipation of his fellows, the tone of the press in its praise 
of goodness, in its manly fearlessness, in the denunciation of evil, 
was intensely gratifying, encouraging, inspiriting. A new life 
was being instilled into the people. The land was to become 
redeemed from infamy, a country beloved. 

Some of the editors of the leading city papers had received 
confidential inklings from the palace of the progress of the 
peace negotiations, giving them an unusual opportunity to pre- 
pare their editorials. But what surprised foreigners the most 
was that the news of peace, however welcome, seemed to be 
swallowed up in the general rejoicing, in the greater joy of the 
internal reforms. 

One thing was certain, the Emperor was the most popular, 
the most beloved man, in all Russia. 

Would it be rude to ask, as an outsider, while appreciating and 
admiring the exuberance of the editorial pen, that was so elo- 
quent in its very naturalness and enthusiasm. What had the 
Emperor done more than his duty? What had he accomplished 
beyond acting up to the full measure of his strength and consid- 
ering the resources that were so abundantly placed in his hands ? 

And replying to this self-imposed question, the only answer we 
can conscientiously give is. Nothing. 

Placards were everywhere in evidence, which read as follows: 

''Cheers for the Emperor.” 

"Russia's True Friend.” 

"The Friend of the People.” 

"The Friend of All.” 


THE PRESS— THE EDITOR 


135 


'loyalists will rally around the Throne/^ 

‘'No disloyalty will be permitted/' 

“Treason is the worst of crimes." 

“Reactionaries to the rear." 

“This is the People's day." 

“Let us thanlc God and take courage." 

ik * 

That the adoption of the internal reforms should so far over- 
shadow the question of the army, afforded a proof that it was 
not regarded with any enthusiastic interest beyond the safety 
of the units composing it. The vast majority of the Russian 
people looked on the organization as an excrescence on the 
body politic, used for the benefit and aggrandizement of the few 
and an instrument for the oppression and virtual enslavement of 
of the many. Its abolition had never been demanded because it 
was thought to be too deeply rooted to attempt to eradicate it. 
Before being enthusiastic as to its suppression, they preferred 
to wait to see how far real the execution of the promise would 
be. To a disinterested onlooker it might appear strange that 
the reformers did not include its abolishment as a part of the 
reforms which were deemed essential for the country. 

A deputation of the editors of the St. Petersburg newspapers 
waited on the Emperor at three o'clock on the afternoon of the 
twentieth of October, 1955,^ with an address, which read as fol- 
lows : 

“To his Gracious Majesty: 

“Deeply appreciative of the substantial benefits received 
through the decree establishing the freedom of the press, we 
pledge ourselves to yield to the imperial policy our most devoted 
adherence. Any newspaper that will not ally itself with the 
throne in its laudable endeavor to maintain cordial relations be- 
tween the government and the people will be regarded by our 
association as a public enemy. We hope for the honor of the 
nation that no exception will exist to this general sentiment, and 
we believe we can offer your Majesty the enthusiastic support 
of every newspaper in the country. 


136 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


''The limitations to the press providing against treason, of- 
fences against good morals and international relations, we 
heartily approve. 

"We have the honor to remain, 

"Your Majesty’s most devoted adherents, 

"The Associated Editors.” 

The address of the editors drew forth from the Emperor a 
reply which was so thoroughly characterized by frankness and 
candor as to leave a most favorable impression on every one of 
his audience. They saw him in a new light, one in which the 
true nobility of his character stood out openly revealed. The 
freedom with which he relieved his mind could be accounted 
for only on the supposition that he desired to take each one into 
his confidence, and by so doing, lay the foundation for a more 
intimate relationship. It was as if the rigid rules of court eti- 
quette were intentionally relaxed, the formalities dispensed with, 
and a freedom established that was only compatible with true 
friendship. 

It is impossible to convey the charm of the speaker and his 
evident sincerity. We can only reproduce the words used in the 
reply to the address: 

"A governmental system founded on autocracy can only be a 
success when the constitution provides a remedy against its de- 
generating into an instrument of oppression. It must limit the 
power of the monarch to rule in the interests of the people, in 
right doing, in governing by love. 

"The dynasty will be in danger only when its representative 
deliberately refuses to recognize the law of Christian altruism. 
Should he become selfish, despotic, revengeful, he will virtually 
sign his abdication. In other words the despotic ruler will be 
an impossibility. 

"But, my friends, you will be inclined to ask. Is not this too 
roseate a view to take of the realities? Is it not too ideal ever 
to become practical ? Has not the Russian historian, you will ask, 
revealed by his search-light the picture of the irrepressible tyrant 
on the throne, ruling by persistent oppression, violating, every 
day, the natural and inviolable rights of man, and has not this 
unnatural rule, with some benevolent exceptions, marked, during 


THE PRESS— THE EDITOR 


137 


the centuries past, the character of those vested with autocratic 
powers ? 

''Sadly I admit the facts, but not the conclusions. The opti- 
mist never admits the necessity of a continued failure. What is 
desirable must be. Truth must reign. .Love must conquer. 

"Shall I tell you that this year has been to me an education, in 
which I have seen and felt and endured the miseries and wretch- 
edness that exist in our country?” 

The body of eminent men, the most eminent in their profes- 
sion, listening to this speech, full of candor, from a source they 
had thought the least likely, were startled into a delighted ap- 
preciation of the presentation, every word of which they em- 
phatically confirmed. 

"The remedy,” the illustrious speaker continued, "is that there 
shall be adopted into the constitution of our country a provision 
requiring that goodness shall be the essential qualification of the 
chief ruler. One of the people, he must rule for the people. 

"I shall issue a ukase embodying this principle, and the force 
of the decree shall be permanent as long as the empire shall en- 
dure, for the people shall have the opportunity of acknowledging 
their acquiescence. Printed copies will be sent to every post- 
office in the nation, to be returned with the signatures of those 
accepting the provision. A copy will be mailed to every news- 
paper in the land, with the request to publish and give it promi- 
nence. The signatures will be preserved in the public archives, 
and the historian will announce that in a certain year the mon- 
arch bound himself and successors — and the people witnessed 
the agreement — to rule in righteousness. 

"When I resign my son into the care of tutors, selected for their 
wide range of knowledge and high principle, they will be charged 
to indoctrinate into him the necessity of obeying the higher law. 
They will point out that, when in the ordinary course of events 
he shall assume the reins of government, he will be permitted to 
rule only for the people’s good ; he will grow up with the recog- 
nition of the truth that power and goodness are to be so asso-' 
ciated in our government and constitution that any other course 
of action of the ruler will be insupposable. In the ordinary de- 
velopments the son having greater opportunities will so far 


138 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


avail himself of his privileges that he will be a wiser and a 
better man than his father. 

''When my successor realizes that he can convey the throne 
to his posterity only by right doing, his parental instincts will 
compel him to bring up his heir on the same broad principles. 
To make prudent provision for all contingencies, the next in the 
succession must be educated on the same plan. It must be a 
part of the family faith and policy. 

"Lessons from history will be instilled into his mind pointing 
out the dangers of arbitrary rule. It will be pointed out to him 
that the Greek tyrants only became what the name now implies 
by their degenerating from the true ideals. The warnings from 
Russian history will be so efifectually emphasized as to make the 
crimes of the despotic rulers so hateful that they can never be 
repeated. He will be taught that the occupier of the throne must 
recognize the principle that the people are more to be considered 
than the dynasty, that the line of succession may fail, but that 
the people will live. He will thus be led to place a just estimate 
of his own value as a unit in the community. 

"Thus everything will have the effect of compelling the future 
sovereign — if anything can — to be in his own person an embodi- 
ment of goodness. But if, notwithstanding every measure of 
restraint, he should be tempted out of the true course, he will see, 
suspended above his head, the sword of Damocles, warning him 
against the evil consequences. 

"An autocracy that is not regulated by goodness is illogical 
when surrounded by free governments. To be secure, it must 
build a wall around its dominions so high that none of its sub- 
jects could cross over into a free world, or permit any from 
foreign lands to enter its territory. And as it is impossible to 
prevent the subjects of a despotic autocratic government from 
mingling to a certain extent with those of the countries with 
whom they deal, such a government must ultimately cease.’" 

The Emperor had considered long and well before taking the 
decisive step ; he had made no mistake. He had gone further 
than any of his most sanguine supporters ever expected he would 
go. They had argued that the latest clamor for legislative power 
by the zemstvos might, if acceded to, only result in class legis- 
lation and disappointment, and prove a delusion by multiplying 
the responsibility. 


THE PRESS— THE EDITOR 


139 


The intermediary might remove the people still further from 
the heart of the sovereign, whose plan was to get into closer touch 
with them. By voluntarily making his concessions, and thus ap- 
pealing to the better element in their nature, he would make his 
own position impregnable. 

As he unfolded his plans before the interesting group of liter- 
ary men they were in transports of delight. In the half hour in 
which they were privileged to have the memorable interview, 
they had been edified and enlightened. They recognized that the 
last blow had been administered to a despotic government, a 
blow struck by the monarch’s own hands. They saw that by the 
course he had taken he had not weakened his position, as some 
superficial people might suppose, but had immeasurably 
strengthened it. He had shown his determination by taking the 
the people into his confidence. 

Now, by the wise and gracious concession of the autocrat, they 
not only possessed the promise of a new departure in the plan 
of government, the adoption of a paternal system, in which the 
rights of the people were to be considered, but they also received 
the unsolicited, spontaneous offer of an agreement which was to 
be ratified by the people, the highest possible kind of guarantee, 
because they were constituted the judges as to whether the 
promises at any time were fulfilled. 

The editors, on leaving, expressed their intense gratification at 
hearing from the Emperor’s lips the principles on which the 
government was to be administered, assuring him that now no 
obstacle remained to Russia’s advancement, and promising theif 
most ardent and loyal support. 

A RUSSIAN editor’s IDEA OF A MINISTRY. 

''St. Petersburg, Dec. 10, 1955. 

'To His Imperial Majesty, 

''The Emperor of Russia: 

"May it please your Majesty. 

"Following in the lines indicated in the successive decrees 
given forth at your august hands, in the interests of the regenera- 


140 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


tion of our beloved country, may I be permitted as a dutiful citi- 
zen to offer, as a suggestion only, a basis for a ministry acting 
in the interests of the governed, as the following? 

'‘With boundless respect I have the honor to remain, 

“Your Majesty’s most devoted servant, 

“A. Loyaloff, 

''Editor of St. Petersburg Welcome, 


“Minister of Peace (foreign relations). — War being abol- 
ished and all communications with foreign governments coming 
through the new office, this peace designation would be a con- 
stant reminder of the desire of the government for friendly re- 
lations, without any necessity for a positive declaration to that 
effect. It would also have a reflex action on our own rule of con- 
duct as a stimulus and an encouragement, and would take so 
deep a root in the minds of our people that, having taken the 
decisive stand, there would never more be a retrograde step. 

“When any one comes into the building reserved for this pur- 
pose and reads over the portals the inscription ‘Minister of 
Peace,’ he will feel as if he received the blessedness of a personal 
benediction. 

“Minister of Education. — In our domestic policy this could 
well assume a position of the highest importance. Schools should 
be established in every village and attendance made compulsory 
where practicable. School-books could be printed by the mill- 
ion and materials provided by the general government sent to 
the large cities and depositories. 

“Grants might appropriately be made for sending representa- 
tives abroad to study the school systems of foreign countries. 

“Competitive examinations for the position of teachers should 
be made, based on merit alone without regard to influence. 

“Minister of Trade and Commerce (including the Treas- 
ury). — This would be a bureau for information about all ques- 
tions affecting trade and the value and quantities of exports and 
imports. It could make important suggestions with regard to 
establishing manufacturies, the availability of water-power, river 
or canal communications. Such an office could place itself in 


THE PRESS— THE EDITOR 


141 

harmonious relations with all the Boards of Trade in the 
country. 

'Tt could take up the subject of weights, measures and coinage, 
and adopt the decimal system for each. The subject of the 
desirability of an international currency would be an interesting 
one. 

''The Minister of Agriculture could make his office a 
friendly and valuable means of communicating information to 
farmers, however remote, in the circulation of literature con- 
nected with farm life and methods, the needs and best way to 
manage certain soils, the distribution of new and higher quality 
of seeds. A national farm of a few hundred or a thousand acres 
could be managed with a view to finding and publishing the best 
results. 

"It is suggested that a study of the means employed by the 
corresponding bureau in the United States of America would be 
found exceedingly valuable. 

"Minister of Petitions. — The adoption of the principle of 
the right of petition, bringing the government and governed in 
close relations, makes this position in the Cabinet second to none. 
Its chief should be a man of the most varied and practical infor- 
mation, of untiring zeal and boundless patience. The Hall of 
Petitions might well be pointed out to visitors as one of the 
prominent features of the city. 

"As this is the leading feature of the reformed government, 
and as in one sense the whole system may be said to stand or fall 
on its merits, it should be made most thorough and efficient in 
every respect. 

"Minister of Labor. — In a paternal government, such as ours 
under the new regime must necessarily be, there will be very many 
opportunities for directing labor into new channels, transporta- 
tion being provided at the national expense. Uncertain ventures, 
such as flocking to cities, or to districts where the supply has al- 
ready been exceeded, could be discouraged. An impartial arbi- 
tration between employer and the employed could be instituted, 
looking to the avoidance of strikes. Arrangements should be 
made for providing employment for all desiring to work, in the 
way of building roads, and public improvements. 


142 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


'‘Minister of Literature. — This office could be used to ele- 
vate the style of new publications by offering prizes for the best 
works on different subjects. Freedom of the Press being de- 
clared, it will necessarily be limited to confining its discussions 
within legitimate channels, and carefulness will still be needed 
lest its liberty be allowed to degenerate into license. No valid ob- 
jection could be maintained as to guarding against offences in 
good morals, or international relations. This would involve a 
modified censorship, to which all the editors have given their cor- 
dial approval. 

“Minister of Internal Communications. — An ample field 
for talent could be found by one well versed in road building and 
maintenance, whether operated by steam, electricity or horses. 
Roads in which the two former are used as motive power should 
have a right of way and belong to the government. No crossings 
on levels should be permitted. On the much vexed question of 
automobiles they should only be allowed on roads owned by the 
Automobile Association. Where no provision is made for exclu- 
sive right of way a speed limit should be insisted on. 

“Minister of Mails. — The means of transportation being 
chiefly in the hands of the government, the head of this depart- 
ment will necessarily be the right-hand man of every other mem- 
ber of the ministry. He should constantly be on the alert for 
providing new facilities for the forwarding of correspondence, 
literature and light merchandise packages to their destination, and 
the State should be responsible for the value of what is conveyed, 
that is, assurping the responsiblities of common carriers. 

“The rates for postage should be the lowest that is practicable 
within the limits of making the system self-supporting. 

“Minister of Science. — This office should be filled by the 
brightest member in the Council. He must be in the van, always 
on the lookout for improving the condition of humanity through 
new discoveries and inventions, scattering scientific information 
broadcast through the country, by means of circulars and lectures, 
but principally through the agency of the press. The influence of 
the editors could be uniformly counted on in aiding to disseminate 
such information. 

“Annual rewards could be made through this office for the most 
valuable discoveries. 


THE PRESS— THE EDITOR 


143 


V 

''Minister of Health. — The office would need at its head an 
accomplished physician of the widest experience, who could be the 
means of incalculable good in giving advice in home life, whether 
in the city or country. Inspection of all places where food is pre- 
pared for the public, dairies, bakeries, also in adulterations, anal- 
yses of drinking water, would properly come under this depart- 
ment. 

"Contagious diseases, which exist to a dangerous and almost 
incredible extent, whole villages, according to report, being, vic- 
tims, should have the most courageous and persistent treatment. 

"Among the first duties of the Minister it is specially urged that 
he should endeavor by every means in his power to remedy the 
evils of intemperance. 

"Minister of Revenue. — The taxing of incomes seems to be 
the fairest method for those who receive their benefits by the aid 
of the government, thus contributing to its support ; and that this 
system of taxation should be progressive, appears to be equitable. 
Commencing with incomes of one thousand rubles per annum, a 
half of one per cent, could be levied. On incomes of two 
thousand rubles one per cent, and increasing at the rate of one- 
half per cent, for each thousand rubles. Legacy taxes could be 
subject to the same rate of taxation, except where the principal is 
invested in land. 

"This rate should cease at incomes of one hundred thousand 
rubles ; above that amount it could commence with a progressive 
rate of one-fourth of one per cent. 

"It will be noted here that this scheme for a ministry is con- 
spicuous from its negative as well as from its positive side by 
the absence of any provision for the army or navy. But the 
former being abolished, the Minister of Peace will take the va- 
cated office. Naturally the navy, to be consistent, should meet the 
same fate as the army, but, up to this time of writing, no decree 
has been issued formally legislating it out of existence. While it 
remains it can be assigned to a place in the Department of Trade 
and Commerce. When the popular mind has become better edu- 
cated in the peace principles the navy will, no doubt, be converted 
into a fleet of trading vessels flying the flag of peace. 


144 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


THE REPORTER. 

To go back to the previous day we may record that an enter- 
prising reporter of the Rome Observationist, with a nose for 
news, on seeing Gregori the Metropolitan emerge from the palace, 
on the afternoon of Ocotber 19, 1955, and being well acquainted 
with him by sight, was within hearing distance as he ordered the 
driver of the drosky to take him to the Moscow Hotel, and wait 
there till summoned. 

The prelate had scarcely arrived at his quarters when the card 
of the Italian was handed him, and with a look suggestive of 
weariness and disappointment — or was it disgust? — he consented 
to be interviewed. 

'‘Your Eminence,"’ the reporter began, with his most engaging 
smile, "the city is to be congratulated on receiving a visit from 
one of so much importance in the political and religious world. 
Would it be quite agreeable to let the readers of the Observa- 
tionist become acquainted with the object of your coming to the 
capital ?” 

"My visit was purely in consequence of an invitation from my 
superior,” replied the prelate. 

"And would it be rude to inquire what subjects specially arose 
for discussion?” 

If the question had been put to an officer high in military rank, 
the inquirer would not have been so bold or verging on im- 
pertinence. 

"Yes,” the Metropolitan replied, "we talked about prisons, in 
which it seems the Empress takes a great interest.” 

He thus gave the cue that it was a joint conference to which he 
had been summoned. 

"And, in this, of course, your wide acquaintance with so inter- 
esting a subject must have been very valuable to their Majesties?” 

Instead of answering the question, he suddenly became inter- 
ested in some pictures on the wall, and for want of some other way 
in which to relieve the embarrassment, rose and looked out of the 
window with the apparent purpose of watching some unusual 
movement on the street, all the while inwardly consigning the 
interviewer to Nova Zembla or some equally icy region. 

In sheer despair he concluded to turn the tables on the man of 
letters by asking some question about Italia Irredenta and the 
Roman pontiff. Passing over the former subject the reporter took 


THE PRESS— THE EDITOR 


145 


the freedom to state that while he did not think the head of the 
Western Church would set the Tiber on fire by the brilliance and 
force of his intellect, yet he honored him for his simplicity, his 
candor, and evident sincerity. 

With the keenness of a tactful observation the penman (prob- 
ably after all it was a pencil that he was using) seeing at once that 
unconsciously he had made a mistake, hastened to bring up an- 
other subject, and asked, quite innocently: 'Ts there no real item 
of news, your Eminence, which will certainly come out, and 
cannot long be concealed, that you can feel free to give me for 
those interested readers who are never satisfied unless they have 
something unmistakably new?'' 

The prelate, anxious to make some amends for completely ig- 
noring the previous question, answered promptly that the subject 
of restoring to Finland her former rights and privileges had been 
brought up, and an imperial decree had been issued entitling that 
province to all the immunities it formerly enjoyed, and further, 
that compensation should be made to the Finlanders for their 
financial losses incurred through their political repression. 

This was news indeed to the reporter. He was intensely en- 
thusiastic about maintaining the reputation of his paper, and 
which proportionately appreciated his valuable services. He was 
so amazingly delighted with his good fortune that he wanted to 
rush downstairs and engage a swiftly flying pair of horses to drive 
to the nearest telegraph office. 

The archbishop caught some of the enthusiasm. If a little item 
could so elevate the man of news what Elysian of happiness would 
be the reporter's if he was to know what he, the archbishop, 
knew. 

'There was still," he continued, as he closely watched the Ital- 
ian's countenance, "another item that came up for deliberation — 
nothing less than the restoration of Russian Poland." That the 
reporter might not entertain the smallest grain of doubt about 
the news, the further and more definite information was imparted 
that Peter Sobieski had been appointed king. 

Without waiting for further details, or even offering suitable 
and grateful acknowledgments, the reporter bounced out of the 
apartment, slid down the banisters, and rushed out in the street. 
Spectators thought he was a madman and wanted to restrain him, 
but he would allow no detention. His confreres knew he had 


146 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


made a hit. If he was too persistent with the driver to urge his 
steed we must forgive him in the excitement of the moment. 

The office of the Observationist was the most astonished in 
the world just then. Some conservative members of the staff 
suggested to wait for confirmation of the news, but the others 
trusted to the good judgment of — I wish I had his name — and 
so flashed the news from the centre of the art world, out to every 
quarter of the globe, to Constantinople, Alexandria and Cairo, 
and repeated to Capetown. Out through the Suez Canal, down 
the Red Sea and across the Indian Ocean, the news swept to 
Bombay and Calcutta, filling their bazaars with excitement. Re- 
lays flashed the message to Sydney and Melbourne, where it was 
received with a startling amazement. Other electric streams sped 
on to the distant East, and scattered the information to Pekin and 
Tokio, setting the gossips of those interesting cities to wonder 
what next most wonderful things they should hear. 

North and west the news blazed from the Italian capital. The 
wires quivered with excitement as they bore the political talk 
into every court in the rest of Europe. London heard it with a 
rapture of delight. Paris was aflame with joy. Berlin and Vi- 
enna awoke to the consciousness of their wickedness in partici- 
pating in the triple partition of Poland. Was this the forerunner 
of the day when they, too, should make restitution for their 
crimes? Nowhere more than in the New World were the des- 
patches received with a heartier welcome. The woes of Poland, 
the rankling injustice to her people, the heroism of her patriots, 
the admitted hopelessness of her cause, lay heavily on the hearts 
of every lover of liberty. The sympathies of the citizens had 
been interested for Finland, while indignation had been uni- 
versally felt against her oppressors. Everywhere was rejoicing 
that at last, stirred by conscience, humanity was to have its 
righteous sway. Boston was aglow with the thought that the 
rights of man were being recognized. New York, Washington, 
Chicago and San Francisco were surcharged with enthusiasm at 
the good news. Montreal, Toronto and Havana thrilled with 
delighted wonder ; even distant Mexico flashed its congratulations. 

The wonder with the journalists, who above everything appre- 
ciate enterprise, was expressed in the way in which one of the 
fraternity asked the question, ''How — did — the news — come — 
from Rome 


THE PRESS— THE EDITOR 


147 


The astonishment grew when there was no confirmatory news 
from Russia. It increased when on cabling St Petersburg they 
found that the offices there had not heard of it. At last, some 
talented member of the Russian press, on special terms of in- 
timacy with the palace, boldly drove up, and on asking the ques- 
tion, had the truth of the report confirmed in every particular. 
Had they known that the genius in gathering news had sent 
his despatches in cipher it would have slightly lessened the mys- 
tery, while it would have increased their admiration. 

3fi ^ ^ ^ ^ iji Hfi ^ 

FOREIGN EDITORIALS. 

The same morning on which the news of peace was published 
the leading dailies had editorials on the all-absorbing subject, ex- 
tracts from some of the American and English papers being here 
appended. 

From the Birmingham (Eng.) Founder. 

‘'With the conveniences of rapid locomotion, with the incen- 
tives that electricity affords in conveying messages at lightning 
speed, parliamentary methods in this country move on at the 
same slow mail-coach rate. With the one attempt of closure, no 
progress has been made in rapid legislation to overcome hin- 
drances to government, for hundreds of years. 

“No matter how desirable or vital a measure may be, the dis- 
cussion may lag and be persistently deferred. Antagonisms, de- 
lays and disappointments have been the universal experience of 
the advocates of every reform. In this may we not find evidence 
that in our system of government exists a serious and complete 
failure? The news to-day from Russia, illustrating the rapidity 
with which a successful, peaceful revolution has been accom- 
plished, completely upsets all our preconceived ideas of the per- 
fection of our parliamentary system. If we were now to set our- 
selves to inaugurate universal peace, the debate might go on in- 
definitely without satisfactory result. And the uestion may 
come up, with more than a debating society interest, whether a 
benevolent autocracy may not eventually be preferred to the 
limitations of a constitutional monarchy, with a provision that 
the sovereign shall rule in the interests of the people.” 


148 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


From the Bristol (Eng.) Budget, 

''That peace has its victories, has never been so magnified into 
a reality ; never in the world’s history has a more fitting illustra- 
tion been furnished than in the news presented to our readers in 
this morning’s issue. Peace is the universal desire of nations. 
War is a wicked, wanton interruption to the normal condition of 
the world. With an arbitration tribunal there has been for a 
long time no possible excuse for the interruption to international 
friendships. 

"The force of the example of Russia cannot fail to give the 
principle of peace such an impetus in the right direction as to lead 
to the complete abolition of all wars. 

"That we should look to Russia, the home and synonym of 
despotism, as the world’s new instructor, should not in the least 
detract from the vast benefits resulting.” 

From the Leeds (Eng.) Barometer. 

"No one will welcome the peace news so dramatically ushered 
in, so entirely unexpected, and so grateful to all civilized nations, 
more than the English-speaking people. From one standpoint it 
would seem quite natural that a monarch who has, as the world 
conceives, unlimited power, should be the one to develop and 
consummate what we hope will be an enduring peace. 

"Born by a noble heritage to the imperial purple, clothed with 
a panoply of power, such as no other living sovereign has in his 
wildest dreams ever hoped to possess, head of the Greek Ortho- 
dox Church, Commander-in-Chlef of the army and navy, mas- 
ter of one hundred palaces, ruler of the destinies of the whole na- 
tion, it is eminently fitting that he should be the benevolent au- 
tocrat actively moving in the interest of the world’s progress ; and 
while he rules in righteousness no one will grudge him any limit 
to his power.” 

From the Liverpool Inter-Ocean. 

"The key to the greatness of humanity will always be found in 
the force of character of its great men. There always have been 
and always will be, foremost leaders who will breathe their spirit 
into their countrymen. 

"Into such a place the Emperor of Russia, by his practical ad- 


THE PRESS— THE EDITOR 


149 


vocacy of peace, has taken the most advanced position. It is true 
that his peculiar and exalted office has given him opportunities for 
good greater than those enjoyed by any man living, and we 
heartily appreciate the decided stand, the firmness of mind and 
the practical benevolence, which led him to assume a position of 
such far-reaching consequence. The world is to be congratulated 
that he had the willingness, the force of character, to decree the 
abandonment of the war system.” 

From the London Meteor, 

*'Such great contrasts in history have been developed on the 
world’s stage within the last twenty-four hours, as to make us 
glad to be living in such an interesting age. But yesterday, Russia 
was in arms, with a prospect of a long continuance of the war ; to- 
day she has not only initiated a peace, but arranged the details and 
signed the compact. 

/'We hail the news with the gladdest joy and delighted inter- 
est. While we who have been unwilling spectators of the awful 
tragedy can most heartily appreciate the action of the Tsar, with 
what boundless joy will it be received by the real participants in 
the struggle ! 

"All honor to the statesman who has had the moral courage to 
inaugurate the movement; and may we not reasonably indulge 
the hope and the firm conviction that the angel of peace shall 
assert his sway through all the world?” 

From the Manchester Field, 

"Ring out the bells! Peace in the East has come suddenly 
and in a way that could never be expected. That Russia that has 
been extended and propped up by a system of military aggrandize- 
ment should now suddenly throw down the sword, is an event 
more startling than any other in this century — we might say in 
all history. 

"That such a nation, should at once, without a sign of warning 
disband its huge army and proclaim a policy of peace and carry 
it out successfully in a single day, we hail as a subject for the 
profoundest satisfaction. It is true that Russia, years before, 
initiated The Hague conference, and, in one sense, it is fitting 
that, having made an international movement in the interests of 
peace, she should be the first to move the world in its righteous 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


150 

cause. Yesterday we should have said that such an event was 
an impossibility. We shall now have to reconstruct our lexicons, 
or at least be careful what limits we assign to the impossible.’' 

From the Boston (Mass.) Centre: 

‘The peace announcement in this morning’s news columns is 
supremely welcome. The obstinacy with which Russia persist- 
ently refused to listen to the delicately suggested overtures of 
foreign governments hinting at friendly mediation, led us to 
suppose that the time was distant when a peace policy would 
finally prevail. Thanks to better counsels, from whatever source 
they had their origin, we hail the peace with the profoundest 
satisfaction. 

“When two systems of government are so diametrically opposed, 
as those of Russia and the United States, it has long been inex- 
plicable to many how there could be any basis for an ostentatious 
friendship between the two peoples. But now, thanks to the pro- 
gressive measures of the Emperor, instituting radical reforms, 
such international friendliness will be natural and legitimate. 

“The impetus to the principles of peace has been of such a de- 
cided nature that we shall all most heartily rejoice, and none more 
so than our whole nation.” 

From the New York Forum. 

“Last night, by the direction of the Emperor of Russia, the 
one word ‘peace’ was telegraphed to every quarter of the globe. 
It was a message in itself which every one could gladly under- 
stand. The war had been so disastrous in the awful sacrifice of 
human life that all must profoundly appreciate the cessation of 
strife. It is to be ardently hoped that good men in Russia will 
come forward to sustain the Emperor in the arduous struggle 
before him. He can only make himself strong by thus surround- 
ing himself with the best elements in Russian life. Amidst so 
many conflicting interests, striving for personal benefit, there must 
be hosts of good men qualified to take the positions of heads of 
the different departments in the government. If the Emperor 
can succeed in releasing himself from the reactionary influences 
in Church, State and family, then his course is plain, and there 
should be before the nation a field for unlimited progress. In 
this, it is not too much to say, that he has the good wishes of 
every American citizen.” 


CHAPTER XX 


Petitions 


When needing help to thwart oppression’s rule 
We voice petitions, pleading right ’gainst might, 

As rights inherent not to be denied. 

While power that’s built on righteousness must heed, 

Nor dare refuse the call, lest it too fall 
And yield the way to love’s imperial sway. 

HE invitation to citizens to send their petitions to the 



government met with such a quick response that one 


thousand were received on the morning succeeding the 


day the proclamation was published in the St. Petersburg Wel- 


come. 


Some of these were connected with grievances that had been 
endured ten, fifteen or twenty years before, giving dates, names 
and witnesses. 

Most were requests for the recall and reinstatement of exiles 
who had been banished by ‘‘administrative order’' to Siberia for 
political reasons, and at the instance of ministerial reactionaries. 
The excessive severity in these cases, both for men and women, 
was pathetically brought to the notice of the department. 

One petition of an entirely different character attracted spe- 
cial attention on account of its peculiarity. It was for the en- 
nobling of one whose name had been mentioned in connection 
with the nihilist movement, now happily condemned by its for- 
mer supporters. The honor was asked on account of his brilliant 
talents and scientific attainments, and whose personal character 
stood so high that not a breath of reproach had ever been heard 
against his good name. 

Another that drew forth almost equal surprise pleaded for the 
punishment and degrading of Count Crueloff , whose record re- 
vealed a character so inhumanly wicked and depraved, so wan- 
tonly savage, as to be almost incredible. For the least offence he 


152 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


would have the peasants on his estate flogged unmercifully. In- 
stances of great barbarity were enumerated. He seemed to revel 
in cruelty, a miniature of Nero as far as he dared to be. 

Would it require any one gifted with prophetic insight to be 
able to state in advance what would be the final action in both 
of these cases? 

A number of requests were handed in for investigation into 
prisons, their sanitary condition, the means adopted (if any) for 
the improvement of the prisoners, by educational or other 
methods. 

The cases that excited the most sympathy came from women 
who were enduring the loss of the support of a husband or a son. 
Some were sent from young women lamenting the sudden disap- 
pearance of a lover, whose tale of anxiety and woe was so pitiful 
as to demand immediate attention. 

Some of the petitions were for reforms of such a general na- 
ture that they could be acted on at once, as that for the limitation 
of interest to five per cent, per annum. In such a case the plan 
would be to invite the opinion of some well-known banker. This 
would be attached to the petition, as also any suggestions in 
writing from the Minister, who would place the documents before 
the Tsar, and if approved, an imperial decree would be issued, to 
be published in the St. Petersburg paper designated for that pur- 
pose. 

A large number were received, praying for the abolition of the 
passport system. The chief of police and others, including edi- 
tors, were invited to contribute their views on the subject. How- 
ever objectionable, arbitrary and annoying the system was, it was 
conceded that it was a deterrent from crime. Again on the other 
hand, it must be admitted that if any one desired for a legitimate 
purpose to remove to a different locality, it was intolerably gall- 
ing to be required to apply for permission. 

As a compromise it was suggested that it should be arranged 
that any one of good character could obtain a certificate to that 
effect from his employer or minister, such certificate to be shown 
when demanded by the proper authorities. 

In all instances petitions were promptly acknowledged with a 
statement that they would receive careful attention. A written 
record was kept of all that properly came within the jurisdiction 
of the office, and would be indexed by the name of the applicant 


PETITIONS 


153 


and the class of grievance. Written reports were filed monthly, 
showing the number of applications and an abstract of the results. 

In the mode of adjustment the first care was to conduct the pro- 
ceeding’s in the interests of justice. The second was to have 
them carried out with the greatest celerity. This was essential to 
the whole plan, else a congestion might occur which would block 
all progress. One wing of the Hall was devoted to trials, the 
chief being invested with the powers of a magistrate, the ordinary 
practice being for three associates to sit with him. Settlements 
were ordered to be made in one week, and if a month should 
elapse the amount of the judgment would be doubled. 

The heads of all the departments in this office were selected prin- 
cipally from the Loyal Legion. Among the assistants the plan 
was adopted of selecting them, in about equal proportion, from 
the Legion and business men or professors. Those who were em- 
ployed in this department as couriers and messengers were se- 
lected in every case from the former. 

As time progressed, most of the petitions came from the prov- 
inces. The condition of affairs in the distant districts demanded 
a wisdom, a firmness that required the finest order of talent. 

Under former governments the sway of the provincial gover- 
nors had become so absolute that each seemed to occupy the po- 
sition of a little Tsar, acting according to his own sweet will. 
The distance of these from the capital appeared to give them an 
immunity from being called to account; for their plunderings 
seemed limited only by the ability of the victims to pay. 

Among these distant petitions it was noticed that many were 
protests against the tyrannical exactions of the governors and 
begging for relief, but such was the terror of the victims that no 
one had the courage to sign his name. 

While this failure threatened for a time to interrupt the deter- 
mined plan of proceeding, from its being impossible to summon 
witnesses when no names were given, yet it was considered to be 
a subject of such exceedingly great importance that a different 
course was pursued. 

If the governors were advised that complaints had been re- 
ceived against them, they would guard the avenues through which 
petitions could reach St. Petersburg, and this they could tem- 
porarily accomplish through the police or their personal agents. 

It was, therefore, concluded to write to each a personal letter. 


154 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


advising them of their duties, cautioning them against exaction 
or illegal practices. In accordance, one after this tenor was sent 
to all the provincial governors. 

The Palace, St. Petersburg, 
'‘November 21, 1955. 

the Governor of the Province of 

"Your Excellency. — You will doubtless have been informed, 
through the telegraph or press, of the relief granted to the Rus- 
sian people through means of the imperial decrees issued Octo- 
ber i 9 > 1955 - 

"I will here enumerate the subjects that are of universal in- 
terest throughout the country : 

"The right of Petition. 

"The upholding of the Jury System. 

"Abolition of punishment by Administrative Process. 

"Freedom of the Press. 

"Inauguration of Peace. 

"Reform of the Church. 

"Prohibition of Instruments of Torture. 

"Release of all Political Prisoners. 

"The object in adopting these reforms was in the interests of 
the whole people. It arose from a desire to examine into the 
grievances that had been caused by the former system of oppres- 
sion, and as far as possible to provide means for their redress. 
There has been an ardent intention to act in the interests of jus- 
tice, of mercy and kindness, and developing a true paternal gov- 
ernment. 

"I wish to point out to you that in the development of the plans 
here indicated, and in the absence of a parliament or popular 
assembly, the right of petition has been made the principal ele- 
ment in the new system of government. 

"I desire that you will co-operate with me in carrying out 
these principles, that you will interest yourself personally in il- 
lustrating in your own government the intention and spirit that 
animate the imperial orders, especially this right. I recommend to 


PETITIONS 


155 


you the creation of an office for giving this subject your practical 
and earnest support. 

'‘I especially charge you to make constant and persistent ef- 
forts to instil into all your subordinates principles of the strictest 
integrity. 

‘‘All fines will be collected through the agency of the Courts, 
which will be required to make scrupulously exact records of such 
transactions. 

“You will further permit me to acquaint you with my desire 
that you will refrain from anything that may have the appearance 
of oppression by undue persistence in soliciting contributions to 
any cause, however laudable. And it may be well, in order to 
carry this out, to refrain entirely from making such requests. 

“Should you, in the interests of good government and friendly 
relations, incline to become better acquainted with my purposes 
and plans, I shall be much pleased to allow my personal represen- 
tative to call on you, who will give you a further insight into my 
policy. 

“In the meantime, I shall beg of you to favor me with a prompt 
acknowledgment of this communication, giving me to understand 
that you will carry out the decrees in the government of your 
province. 

“I remain, with assurances of my respect and esteem, 

“Michael, 

^^ImperatorT 

We may imagine the expression of guilty surprise on the count- 
enances of most of the recipients of this very candid letter, as 
they read, between the lines, that complaints had already reached 
their imperial master, and suggesting that they had better take 
heed to their ways. 

But will they? 

We cannot tell. The influence of the press may do much to help 
them to form a decision, but of one thing we may know in ad- 
vance, that they will not have a greatly extended time in which 
to decide. Further, judging from the infatuation evil possesses 
for its worshippers, the probabilities are that within twelve months 
the office and dignity, with no emoluments beyond the yearly 
salary, will be honorably filled in most cases by some upright, 
talented member of the Loyal Legion. 


CHAPTER XXI 


Justice 

To hold the scales impartial, from a love 
Of fairness, deviating not hair’s breadth, 

This is ideal justice. Should we err. 

Then let it be on mercy’s side, for then 

Our act, our choice, will make the angels glad. 

And fill their souls with great exceeding joy. 

D uring the period of arbitrary repression in Russia, so 
great had been the power arrogated by some members of 
the ministry and others connected with the government, 
so flagrant the instances of injustice, and so numerous the vic- 
tims, that it was determined to place in the contestants’ hands 
facilities for the recovery of their losses by means of proceedings 
in equity. A decree was issued establishing courts in all the 
principal centres for this purpose and for their exclusive benefit. 

Between law and equity a wide difference exists. The former 
represents the twilight ; the latter, the full blaze of noonday. Law 
is intended to be marked by a uniform and orderly mode of pro- 
cedure, following a line of precedents, and is essentially conser- 
vative. But conceptions of morals and business customs are con- 
stantly changing, so that the legal course of a hundred years ago 
cannot be a fair standard for the civilization of to-day. When, 
as in the United States, a judge, unable to render an immediate 
decision, has recourse to the authorities, the conclusion drawn 
from musty records of similar cases, not necessarily appropriate, 
frequently involves a clash between what has been, and what 
should be, done. The former represents law; the latter equity. 
Law has clothed itself with a net-work of absurdities. For in- 
stance, we may suppose when railway travelling first came into 
vogue an offender was caught in the act of throwing stones at a 

156 


JUSTICE 


157 


passenger train. A lawyer arguing in defence, claiming that the 
act did not come into conflict with any precisely fitting statute 
and that there was no crime proved, might on this ground claim 
an acquittal for his client. 

Still more absurd is the reliance on antiquated forms in the 
instances of murder trials, where the prisoner, on being asked the 
question whether he is guilty or not guilty, pleads guilty. This 
is followed by the judge instructing him to change his truthful 
plea for an untruthful one. Then to comply with certain forms, 
witnesses are formally examined to ''prove'’ certain acts which 
every one already knows have been fully proved, no practical 
dissent existing. 

Under the English common law it is usual to have periods 
defined beyond which the State will not assist a creditor to col- 
lect a debt, and a pleading of the statute of limitations will be 
admitted by the judge as a successful defence against a claim so 
debarred. Here, frequently, debtors make a radical mistake in 
imagining that when thus declared legally free the debt is can- 
celled. Nothing, however, can in reality cancel the obligation; 
the debt exists notwithstanding, unless with the consent of the 
creditor. 

In a case presented by a Russian citizen, a victim of oppression, 
it was ordered under the new regulations that lapse of time should 
not be permitted to invalidate the claim. This decision was rea- 
sonable and equitable, for justice, being cruelly outraged, properly 
asserted its higher standard. 

If, for instance, a demand for damages was instituted by the 
heirs of persons killed at the scene of the assassination of the 
Emperor Alexander IL, and complicity had been proved against 
certain conspirators high in position, it would be of no avail un- 
der the new procedure to plead that claims instituted now would 
be "outlawed" by the long interval elapsed. That the protec- 
tion thus afforded to claimants was sound in policy is evident 
from the consideration that there is no sense more incorporated 
into our humanity than the universal instinct that demands its 
just rights, and nothing so rankles into our being as offences by 
arbitrary methods against this principle. 

If a citizen, through injustice, is deprived of his estate the 
despoiler is under bonds in equity to make a proper restitution. 
In other words, he continues to be in debt to the victim. For it 


158 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


would be manifest injustice for the offender or his heirs to re- 
ceive the fruits of his wrong-doing when the property, in truth, 
in good morals, belongs to another. 

Among the valuable reforms instituted by the Tsar nothing 
was more convincing of his absolute sincerity than this radical 
endeavor to right the wrongs of the host of victims who were 
still suffering in person and property from the tyrannical acts of 
their persecutors. 

It might be urged that with so many other reforms so benefi- 
cently granted, those unjustly treated should be willing, in the 
general jubilee, to let bygones be bygones. But this would be 
condoning crimes the most unpardonable. It would be placing a 
premium on iniquity. No, let justice be done, as the sturdy Ro- 
man boldly insisted, though the heavens fall. 

Again, the government was bound on every ground of policy 
and principle to do its utmost to remove every occasion for dis- 
satisfaction. The many must be protected in their rights, even 
if it proved in some cases to be a hardship to a few. 

The Hall of Petitions was for years the busiest of all the 
government offices, as it had to endeavor to straighten out the 
tangles that had been accumulating through a long period. 

Under the personal and untiring efforts of the sovereign, ably 
seconded by the chiefs and subordinates in the department, a vast 
amount of good was accomplished. 

The plan of procedure adopted was to notify both parties to 
appear at a certain designated time and place, the defendant be- 
ing enjoined from disposing of his property until the claim had 
been adjudicated. 

The lawyers were charged that no tactics of delay would be 
allowed, and that the cases would go on whether represented by 
counsel or otherwise. They were made clearly to understand 
that they were expected to be on the side of right and equity, to 
uphold the law and avoid the appearance of being its opposers. 
No appeals would be granted, and the judges were cautioned to 
be so painstaking in their investigations that there would be no 
excuse or necessity for an application for a review of the testi- 
mony. 

A strong public opinion, a reality formerly unknown in Rus- 
sia, supported the judges, and the press followed the proceed- 


JUSTICE 


159 


ings with an interest that showed they were keenly alive to their 
rights and privileges. 

In order that a defendant’s interests should not be prejudiced, 
and to avoid the introduction of improper litigation, a claimant 
was in every case required to show proper grounds to an attache 
of the Court before his claim was ordered to be placed on the 
docket. Should the introductory decision be against the plaintiff, 
he was to be allowed a rehearing by another member of his own 
selection, so anxious were the authorities that justice should be 
meted out, and to avoid the appearance of opposing it. 

The law’s delays have passed into a proverb, but in these 
Courts such was the celerity with which the cases were tried that 
no reasonable charge on such grounds could be maintained. No 
motions by a defendant for deferring a trial were accepted. But 
should a plaintiff find it impossible to be present at the time ad- 
vised, he would be allowed to put in an application for the tem- 
porary withdrawal of the claim, in which case it would have to be 
taken up again and take its course with new claims. No flights 
of oratory were countenanced, no spun out pleadings, no needless 
repetitions or other obstructionary practices, and no appeals. 

Any action on the part of a lawyer that would tend to defeat 
justice by browbeating a witness or otherwise would not be tol- 
erated by either judge or jury, and would be considered a serious 
offence, to be visited with a heavy fine. 


CHAPTER XXII 


Treason in the Air 

When foulest treason, steeped in blackest dye, 
Its wicked purpose aims to thwart the good. 
Its wanton crime is impious, brazen, vile; 

It dares attack the citadel of God; 

For God and goodness form a synonym. 

That’s close allied, inseparable, one. 


J OYS are not all unmixed, and it would be too much to hope 
in the regeneration that the sweet, the true and the lovely 
shall be without some traces of the bitter, the false, the 
envious and selfish. Why goodness should provoke antag- 
onism is one of the most difficult problems to understand. What- 
ever is lovable is naturally so attractive that we might suppose 
that all souls would be as certainly impelled toward it, as the 
needle to the magnet. That all right feeling people should be so 
attracted is self-evident ; all others are out of the divine harmony 
and order. 

Again, when national movements are made in the direction of 
the common welfare, is not indulgence toward opposing elements 
a weakness in any system of government? In other words why 
should evil be permitted to thwart the purposes and aims of 
good? If we say that in a condition of freedom evil should be 
allowed to show itself, even if only to reveal its own hideousness, 
that is only a debating school style of argument. Good can ex- 
ist alone; it does not need the stimulus of violent contrasts to 
keep it alive any more than health needs the presence of disease 
to make it a reality. 

Notwithstanding the strong public sentiment that had already 
made itself felt through a united press, of vigorous warnings 
that nothing would be permitted to interfere with the progress 
that was going so beneficently forward, there were signs ominous, 
portentous of trouble, dreaded, because foreseen ; mysterious whis- 

i6o 


TREASON IN THE AIR 


i6i 


perings floating in the air, of dissatisfaction, of schemes to coun- 
teract the new order of things, of plots and conspiracies. For 
there were malcontents — there would be, it seems, under any 
system of government. Treason had reared its horrid, hateful 
front, and threatened to undo all the vast world of good that had 
lifted and inspired Russia, that had given her a new life of good- 
will, of trust and hope and peace. 

There is at once in evil a weakness as well as a strength. As 
one person alone cannot logically engage in a conspiracy, the in- 
stincts of the evilly disposed man appear to compel him to seek as- 
sociates. The greater the number of plotters the more diffi- 
cult it will be to maintain secrecy. How many a treasonable plot 
has been revealed by a conscience- stricken conspirator, who was 
appalled at the atrocious wickedness of the contemplated crime. 
So the treasoner — is not this an allowable appellation for one 
guilty of treason ? — might be forwarned that some search-light will 
be thrown on his dark ways, giving to the defence a perfect foil. 

In the present instance, before the conspirators had concocted 
their nefarious plans, measures had been taken in advance to de- 
feat them. In this crisis what was a necessity to the Emperor 
was his keeping himself surrounded by friends ardently de- 
voted to his person, men of high intelligence, physically brave, 
who would carry out his purposes. Such a body of men was 
found in the ^'Loyal Legion,’’ who, scenting the danger at the 
outset, had rallied around their sovereign. Every employe in the 
palace was brought before a committee of this order and ques- 
tioned as to the source by whom his appointment had been pro- 
cured, his antecedents, his attitude toward the reforms that had 
been inaugurated and length of time in the service. Those ap- 
pointed through the reactionaries were, one by one, dismissed 
and their places filled by members of the order. 

The secretary chosen from the association was the most im- 
portant of the new appointments, one who had the happy com- 
bination of great suavity, an admirable tact, infinite patience, 
strong will and personal courage. He was, in fact, a permanent 
body-guard, whose duties required him to be present at all inter- 
views with the sovereign, so that if a conference was desired with 
the Emperor by his brothers, his cousins, his uncles, or his aunts, 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


162 

it would have to be in the presence of the secretary. His priv- 
ileges included sitting at the table when any beside members of 
the Tsar’s immediate family were present. 

This invasion of the rights of the outside family was an ex- 
treme measure, and resorted to as a necessity during the stages 
of reconstruction, to counteract the reactionary influence of the 
Tsar’s relations who had not accepted the new regime. Of 
course, it was resented by the high and mighty ones who had 
been accustomed to interfere with and often to dictate the im- 
perial policy. 

On one occasion the resentment broke out in open opposition, 
manifested by a studied offence to the secretary, which brought 
the demand of the Emperor for an immediate and satisfactory 
apology. At another time an offender was warned that he would 
be debarred from the privileges of admission to the palace, and 
the scenes continuing, an order was issued that no one of any 
rank was to be admitted except by invitation. 

Babbage the mathematician, has stated that the atmosphere 
records the words that are spoken. Whether through this medium 
or through the wives of the conspirators, or some alert member 
of the Legion, a treasonable plot was discovered for abducting 
the person of the Tsar, with intent to immure him in some fortress 
or country chateau, and install some other member of the family 
into the imperial succession. 

The plan involved the bribing of one of the servants of the 
household, who was to admit the conspirators by a postern-door 
at the hour of twelve on a certain arranged night. The watch- 
word selected was ''Ameeko,” and, to avoid notice, the plan was 
adopted to have the band approach the entrance, one by one, 
when the traitor would be waiting to guide them to the imperial 
apartment. 

But before this happened, the treacherous servant was quietly 
locked up, and a watcher appointed in attendance to prevent his 
communicating with any of the inmates. 

A member of the Loyal Legion assumed the place of the In- 
side conspirator, and in the dim light, with his cap well drawn 
over his head, the change was not noticed by the unsuspicious 
treasoners, who were led one by one and delivered to two others, 
also members of the Legion, and taken to separate rooms, where 
were found two assistants, ready to admit the newcomer, 


TREASON IN THE AIR 


163 


who in every instance received a stunning blow from the fist 
between the eyes, his hands manacled behind his back, his weapons 
being promptly taken from his person, also any papers that might 
be found. 

Should the criticism be here made that the methods adopted 
were too drastic and severe, it might be offered in extenuation 
that the loyal members of the Legion were in no mood to trifle 
with treason, that it was too hateful and inexcusable to admit 
of any defence. It was essential to their plan that it should be 
conducted with the utmost quietness, and, as a fact, no per- 
manent injury resulted from the summary process. 

On regaining consciousness each one was warned not to make 
the slightest outcry, under the severest penalty. This was carried 
out in every instance successfully, and twelve men were lying 
prostrate on the floor in as many separate rooms. 

When opportunity permitted, each of the treasoners was in- 
duced to make a confession, which was taken down in writing. 
The result was the band \yas found to consist of one colonel and 
two captains of the army, the remaining nine being men they 
had picked up from the streets and drilled into performing their 
share of the villainy, the stimulus being a bribe of one hundred 
rubles for each man. From the confessions it was ascertained 
that the conspirators were only tools of an influential party, and 
the names of their immediate abettors were also obtained. 

What should be done with the conspirators would be the next 
consideration. It was intended to deport them to the fortress 
of St. Peter and St. Paul, there to remain during the imperial 
pleasure. But to take so many prisoners from the palace to the 
dungeon would probably cause more excitement than was desir- 
able. 

In the meantime, the instigators would be kept in wholesome 
suspense as to what had happened to their plans, and how and 
why they had failed. The mystery was further deepened by the 
absence of any information from the palace of anything extra- 
ordinary having occurred that might possibly find its way into 
the newspapers. Further embarrassment was caused by the 
plotters knowing that in the hands of their active abettors were 
locked up secrets too valuable for the safety of the principals. 

In desperation one of their number, a gentleman perfect in 
dress and address, called at the office of the St. Petersburg 


164 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


Sunrise and, asking to be allowed to write a letter, was 
politely requested to take a seat at a desk which was provided 
with the stationery ordinarily used for correspondence. Not 
being closely observed, it was practicable for him to abstract 
some of the engraved letter-heads used by the management. 

Aided by one of these sheets it was filled out at leisure rec- 
ommending the bearer to the gracious consideration of the Em- 
peror. Coming from so distinguished a source, and being anxious 
to pay the visitor proper respect, the Emperor consented to an 
interview. The document was handed to the Secretary, who 
took occasion to telephone to the editor of the ''Sunrise'' to 
corroborate the letter of introduction, and found that none had 
been given. 

On being asked by the Secretary to write his autograph at 
the foot of the introductory letter and append his address, he 
complied, with a suspicion that some of the plans had already 
been discovered. The adventure he had taken was much more 
serious than he had imagined, for he turned out to be the con- 
necting link through whom was proved the complicity in treason 
of one high in rank, a close relative of the Tsar, who had recently 
been privileged to enjoy the hospitalities of the palace. Outside 
of the crime of forgery, the visitor did not realize that he was 
being used as a caCs-paw in the interests of other people. 

The chief treasoner, dumbfounded at the complete silence 
that followed the fiasco, did not dare to intrude himself in the 
royal presence, fearing that the plot and the secret part he had 
taken in it had been divulged. Such was his anxiety, however, 
and the suspense so unbearable, that he could not wait until 
time had solved what was now inscrutable, and had put for- 
ward one of his ladyTriends on terms of friendship with Colonel 
Traitorski, who had been caught in the Legion’s meshes, using 
her to shield himself. 

So confident had been the Colonel — such is the blindness with 
which evil enslaves its victim — of the success of the plan, that 
he gave the lady to understand that he had an engagement at 
the palace on that particular night, but would surely call on her 
the following morning. The latter employed the services of a 
female friend to induce the bearer of the letter of introduction 
to concoct the plan of obtaining an audience with the Emperor, 
and venture the inquiry as to the safety of Colonel Traitorski. 


TREASON IN THE AIR 


i6s 

The problem of what to do with the conspirators had not 
been readily solved. At first it was suggested to make light of 
the crime and have the culprits brought before the imperial 
presence, reprimanded and pardoned. This disposition of the 
case, however, it was felt, would not satisfy the general senti- 
ment when the public would eventually be placed in possession 
of the full particulars. So loyal had the people become to the 
new order of things, and the very suggestion of treason had 
g'rown so abhorrent, that any inadequate punishment for so 
heinous a plot would inevitably react against the monarch. 

After a week of durance, when all implicated by the confes- 
sions had been traced and placed under surveillance, the crim- 
inals were haled before a jury, who demanded also the presence 
of the principals. The charge being high treason, they promptly 
rendered a verdict of ''guilty’’ against all implicated. 

The judge, in sentencing the prisoners, addressed them in 
the most scathing terms, laying great stress on the fact that they 
had not been fighting against cruelty or oppression, but were 
in league against goodness itself. Each one, he stated, had 
clearly forfeited his right to live, but knowing the merciful dis- 
position of the magnanimous Emperor, he would inflict the 
lesser sentence of imprisonment for life, with a forfeiture of 
their estates to the Crown. In conclusion, the judge warmly 
congratulated the order of the Loyal Legion on the complete 
success with which they had baffled every movement of the con- 
spirators, adding: "Thus may treason always fail, and its prin- 
cipals, aiders and abettors meet with the same overwhelming 
defeat.” 

The newspapers, on making the startling announcement of the 
daring plot, its discovery and the jury trial, followed by the con- 
viction of the participants, while respecting the niotive of the 
judge in passing sentence of less severity than the law against 
treason warranted, were unanimous in the expression of the 
popular feeling that should any similar attempt be made — and 
it was fervently hoped there would never be another — the full, 
stem penalty should be inflicted. 


CHAPTER XXIII 


The Visit. 


The charm a visit brings, by hope entranced, 
Imagination’s prelude to the feast. 

Blooms forth in glad reality when we 

Meet face to face, soul meets with kindred soul; 

While gladness adds to rapture every hour, 

The memory its treasured joy recalls. 


ROM early dawn of the 12th of June, 1956, St. Petersburg 



had been aglow with excitement in anticipation of the 


JL event which was to be enacted that day, the arrival and 
welcoming of the two Emperors, neither of whom had ever set 
foot on a Western land. 

Twelve months previous there was not one person in all Rus- 
sia — it might be said in Europe or Asia — to whom in his airiest 
dreams the possibility of such a spectacle as the city now presented 
had never entered into his mind to conceive. 

Within this time the growing sentiment in favor of the 
former antagonists had developed into a cordial respect for the 
new allies and in favor of some public and national expression 
of the universal delight at the new reign of peace and good-will. 
While unprecedented, it seemed most appropriate that such a 
state of affairs should be brought about, and that no doubt should 
exist as to the cordiality of the welcome. 

The northern capitals, Stockholm, Christiania and Copenhagen, 
were ransacked for flowers to be used in the celebration ; even 
Berlin and Warsaw sent in their contributions. 

The flowers were taken up with their roots and carefully placed 
in concealed metal or earthen holders, so that they would keep 
fresh. Days before the inaugural they were artistically arranged 
in the arches that swung over the line of the procession, around 
the columns, over the porches and on the sills and windows of 
the houses. Night and morning they were sprayed, so that 


166 


THE VISIT 


167 


every floral gem retained its beauty and its freshness. Here and 
there the flowers were conspicuously woven in many a quaint 
device to spell the word “Welcome.'" 

Such a scene had never before been witnessed in this or any 
other city. By early dawn groups had gathered on the sidewalks 
and by ten o'clock in the morning every point of vantage was 
occupied. 

The sun had risen behind the clouds and flashed its colors of 
gold high up in the heavens, that reflected their light on the 
spires, turrets and cupolas of the radiant city. The mists that 
had hung low above the Neva were soon dispelled, and the water 
and banks reflected the brilliance, while the glow and warmth 
filled the air, making every one's enjoyment complete. 

For two weeks previous to this, great preparations had been 
making in the two Eastern capitals for the long journey to be 
undertaken by the two Emperors, respectively, of Japan and 
China, in response to the cordial invitation from the Emperor 
of Russia to visit him in St. Petersburg, an event that would be 
unique in the world's history, a departure from all former pre- 
cedents, so startling that only a few years ago it would have been 
regarded as such an utter improbability, that most of us ordinary 
mortals, composing the vast majority of the world’s population, 
would have said it was an impossibility. 

It was so entirely different that an excuse might almost be 
admitted for disbelieving it possible. Its strangeness and sud- 
denness, however, weighed as nothing against its desirability; 
and that it was desirable, could not be questioned. 

Nor was the conception quite so sudden as the public, always 
unsuspecting, might imagine. The offering to conclude a peace 
was so spontaneous and unexpected that it left on the part of the 
principal actors a desire to become better acquainted with each 
other. To this end many suggestions had been considered, and 
it was finally concluded to send a special representative, who 
should visit each capital as the bearer of the invitation already 
mentioned. 

The harmony that existed between the governments was 
daily becoming more complete, and it was thought that such 
a proposal would be eminently practicable. Some conservative 


i68 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


people — it is most extraordinary in a world of progress with 
what self-complacent assurance they congratulate themselves 
on their superior wisdom — said that fifty years hence, when the 
present generation would have been succeeded by others, with 
whom the bitterness, the animosities engendered by the war 
would be less acute, would be a more appropriate time. The 
very rapidity of the movement seemed to afford them a ground 
for offence. A little less haste, a little more dignity, they 
urged, would be more befitting. But why should we move with 
dignified deliberateness when a wiser course would suggest a 
desirable promptness? When, using another illustration, it is 
proper that an apology should be made for a wrong, why not 
make it at once? 

The very rapidity of the motions of the globe affords thought 
and stimulus for quickness of action. In its diurnal motion on 
its axis we are carried at the rate of over one thousand miles in 
an hour ; in its revolution around the sun we are speeding through 
the ether at the inconceivable speed of a thousand miles in one 
minute, and all the while sun and planets, near and distant, comets 
and meteors, are being swiftly urged in a known direction and 
calculated speed to some other part of the stellar universe. 

Why should we be slow? 

The winter’s snows had intervened in their promise of re- 
newed fertility, covering up the land incarnadined by the cruel 
v/ar. A new earth had been resurrected out of the old, and every 
morning a new creation, beautiful as Eden, had dawned, glorious 
in its wealth of flowers in endless tints and shades of beauty. 
The dead had been buried. With them, the anger and bitterness, 
the hatred, had been consigned to the past. Out of the sad experi- 
ences, out of the regrets, out of the griefs, a new life had risen, in 
which the chief concern was toward the living. 

So it was that on the 29th day of May in the year 1956, at an 
early hour in the morning, Tokio was awake to bid the Mikado 
‘‘Godspeed” on his long and eventful journey. The children 
waved their flags in rhythmic motion; the flowers flung their 
fragrance toward the imperial cortege as it leisurely passed 
though the crowded streets, and flags were fluttering in the 
breeze from every house. The shouts were earnest, but subdued. 
The consigning of their sovereign to the uncertainties of travel 
brought with it serious and solemn thoughts. The people were 


THE VISIT 


169 


reserving their enthusiasm for his return. A brilliant retinue 
accompanied the sovereign, his wife and family, the ministers, and 
marshalls of the Empire, who were all included as guests of the 
Russian Emperor. 

It was arranged that the illustrious party should proceed to 
Pekin, there to be joined by the Chinese Emperor, whence both 
would go forward by the Siberian Railroad. 

The reception of the Mikado in the Chinese capital was every^ 
thing that could be desired, friendly, enthusiastic and spontane- 
ous. There was no mistaking its genuineness or sincerity. The 
sight was so novel, people could scarcely trust to their eyes to 
realize that it was not a dream. In a day all their ideas of the 
immutability of the unwritten law that the sovereign would not, 
or could not, go out of the country, were shaken and dispelled. 
He who could count an unbroken line of ancestors for twenty-five 
hundred years, none of whom had set foot on a soil other than 
his own, now stood before them. To say that they wondered 
and were amazed would be to faintly describe their startled 
experience. 

What was on the minds of the two emperors, as for the first 
time they gazed into each other’s eyes, would be interesting to 
know. The series of surprises, the graciousness of the recep- 
tion, the brilliance of the appointments, the questions of the 
future, the strangeness of everything, and above all the conscious- 
ness that a new life had dawned, bringing with it an era of peace 
and prosperity, all passed through the mind of the illustrious 
visitor. 

At length, everything being in readiness, the start was made, 
a special train being provided for each of the imperial parties. 
The cars had been constructed for the occasion, having every 
convenience that a though ful foresight could be expected to 
provide at a short notice; and yet the time allowed was not so 
brief as at first thought might seem probable. For the plans had 
been long studied out, and when the orders were given, the work 
proceeded by day and night. There had been no hitch or delay 
from the commencement. To all it was a source of constant 
satisfaction and congratulation in realizing that they could feel 
so great a freedom and comfort. The provision for bathing was 
liberal, adding greatly to their enjoyment; the plans for the 
introduction of air so perfect that there was a freshness of the 


170 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


atmosphere in the apartments; and as the work of renovation 
was done quietly while the guests slept, it was a mystery how it 
was accomplished. The divans contributed to the feeling of 
restful ease; the mirrors in their attractive settings built into 
the sides of the cars gave a luxurious sense that was greatly 
enjoyed. 

Every twenty-four hours or so there was a halt to examine 
the running gear, and these stoppages were always arranged 
to occur in the daytime. On such occasions the travellers took 
advantage of the opportunity to alight and take short walks, the 
emperors renewing their acquaintance, so that what at first was 
naturally formal soon began to assume a friendly nature. 

The moment the stops were made runners were despatched 
to flag any approaching train and place signals for their guidance ; 
such was a part of the numerous plans that had been provided 
for the safety of all. On long levels where the roadway had been 
renewed high rates of speed were permitted in the daytime. 
At other places, particularly around curves, caution was exer- 
cised by those in charge, who were men selected for their experi- 
ence and carefulness. 

If the warriors of the two parties had wondered whether their 
arrival would be announced by the booming of cannon, or that 
the guests would be escorted through long lines of soldiery with 
bright uniforms and polished weapons, they would be quickly 
undeceived. The cannon were silent ; the soldiers were, of course, 
invisible ; for great care had been taken that there should be no 
sign in evidence of anything that could in the least remind the 
most susceptible that there ever had been such a condition of 
things as war. 

This is not to impugn the intelligence of our Eastern friends, 
who were, of course, fully informed as to the reign of peace, for 
they could reasonably be supposed to imagine that the militia 
might exist, to be called on during State occasions, as a police 
force or otherwise. It is mentioned to illustrate the polite deli- 
cacy of the entertainers in purposely removing every trace or 
suggestion of the hateful strife. 

On the platform of the railroad station a picked company 
of police in plain clothes was present to prevent curious and 
inquisitive people from annoying the new arrivals, and they per- 
formed their duties to the satisfaction of all concerned. 


THE VISIT 


171 

The Emperor was present in person, waiting to receive the 
imperial guests, who were so charmed by his hearty welcome 
that each one was made to feel completely at his ease. This was 
greatly helped by the circumstance that the envoy to the Eastern 
courts, when giving the invitation, had presented a handsome 
photograph of his master to each of the emperors, who, it was 
noticed during the journey, had frequently been seen scanning the 
features of that distinguished personage, so that, when they came 
face to face, and he had grasped their hands in greeting, it was 
not like meeting with a stranger, but one with whose likeness 
they had already been familiar and in whom they recognized 
a friend. 

An open carriage, drawn by four handsome bays, was in 
readiness, into which his Majesty escorted his illustrious visitors 
to the seats facing the horses, while he and Count Tolstoikoff 
sat opposite. 

A mounted company, numbering fifty strong and stalwart men, 
selected from the order of the ‘‘Loyal Legion,’’ guarded the car- 
riage as an escort of honor. The rank in the advance, mounted 
on black horses, were dark-complexioned, each wearing a red 
rose. The second row were men with light hair, their white 
steeds making a pretty contrast with those ip. front, the lappels 
of their coats holding a bunch of white roses. In the line imme- 
diately in the rear of the carriage were ten sorrels with long 
tails and flowing manes, each rider distinguished by auburn 
hair and wearing roses of yellow tints. The guard behind these 
was composed of brown-bearded men who sat ten handsome 
bays, each rider decorated with flowers of brilliant pink. The 
remaining ten arranged themselves in pairs on each side of the 
carriage. 

Preceding the escort was a band composed of men who were 
formerly in the Guard’s Regiment, but had now formed them- 
selves into a musical association called “The Messengers of 
Peace,” each wearing a badge distinguishing their order, the 
design, a dove resting on an olive branch. The band’s uniform 
consisted of a dark-blue coat and white vest and trousers. 

A second band marched behind the mounted men. The mem- 
bers composing this attractive company formerly belonged to the 
flag-ship of the admiral of the fleet, and later had joined their 
fortunes to a musical society known as “Sons of the Sea.” Their 


172 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


uniform was a navy blue, with wide collars and loose flowing 
trousers. 

Following the second band there came in carriages the families 
of the Mikado and the Chinese Emperor with their secretaries 
and high dignitaries. 

Next appeared the ambassadors and ministers of foreign 
powers, decorated by their respective sovereigns with orders 
and insignia of rank. 

The ministers of the Tsar immediately followed. 

If, during the long journey toward the setting sun, there had 
arisen in the minds of the Eastern potentates a doubt, an uncer- 
tainty, as to the genuineness of the welcome that would await 
them, if, in view of the weariness of travel, the question had 
intruded itself. After all was it worth while to leave the certain 
ease and freedom of home to endure the discomforts of a ride of 
five or six thousand miles in order to be entertained by a personage 
they had never seen? the answer before the day was over would 
be to affirm in the most emphatic manner that they were well 
recompensed from every point of view, beyond anything they had 
expected. 

As the cortege proceeded leisurely throughout the length of 
the Nevski Prospekt, that thoroughfare was ablaze with flags 
and flowers. Handsomely dressed men, women and children 
in gay colors lined the sidewalks ; the shops were closed ; no one 
thought of business on such a day. Every window was open, 
handkerchiefs were waving in the air, and cheers echoed through 
the street, hearty shouts of welcome, such as the oldest citizen 
had never in his experience heard in the Russian capital. And 
they were genuine, too, and respectful. The citizens realized 
that it was a great honor to have so distinguished guests travel 
such a vast distance to pay them a visit, in response to a 
friendly invitation. Never in their history had their country 
been so honored. 

Banners were raised across the street with mottoes that Count 
Tolstoikoff translated, as well as he could, for the benefit of the 
Tsaris guests. Their various devices read: 

‘‘Welcome to the Emperor of China.” 

“Welcome to the Mikado.” 

“The youngest civilization greets the oldest.” 


THE VISIT 


173 


''Love and good-will to all/’ 

'‘We have entered on an enduring peace/’ 

'^Long life and prosperity to our friends.” 

"We thank our guests for their presence.” 

Arrived within a square near the end of the street, they passed 
a triumphal arch which constituted the most elaborate decoration 
on the route. On the front, the sides, the columns, flowers were 
artistically arranged in rows and stars and circlets, each gem 
being kept fresh in its receptacle which was concealed from view 
by evergreens. Such glowing colors, such pretty contrasts, such 
beautiful designs, arranged for harmonious effect, gladdened 
all eyes. 

It was here that a dais was erected for reviewing the pro- 
cession, and as the carriages containing the imperial party with 
their suites, with the ambassadors and ministers, drew up, their 
occupants alighted and were escorted to their several seats. 

Around, above, beneath, they were encircled with flowering 
shrubs, with flowers that twined here, there and everywhere, and 
scattered their fragrance all around. At the top of each column 
where rose the curve of the arch was seen an artistic likeness of 
the two visiting emperors encased in flowers and evergreens. 

Above the centre, white flowers in a setting of emeralds revealed 
the letters of the device 


"Welcome.” 

And this was the watchword of the day; for as each in the long 
procession passed the reviewing stand, with uncovered head, the 
shout of welcome was heard as one continuing chorus. 

As the visitors took the seats assigned to them, they were 
noticed to pay an interested and respectful attention to the im- 
portant personages occupying the carriages as they passed by. 
Nor did they fail to express their admiration at the display of 
handsome equipages and the fine appearance of the horses and 
their trappings. 

But the principal attraction in the whole procession was a 
long car holding over one hundred smiling, happy girls of ten 
years of age or under, each wearing a sash in which was deftly 
worked the word "Welcome,” and fillets of ribbons binding their 
otherwise loose and flowing hair. 


174 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


The cushioned seats were arranged in three tiers, tapering 
above one another. Each row was secured by a strong railing, 
keeping the young travellers in perfect safety. 

Each of the hundred and more had in her hand a miniature 
flag which she waved in unison with the tune of the music they 
were singing. 

Above them, from end to end of the car, were stretched wide 
streamers on which the song of the angels was printed in dark 
letters on a white ground: ''Glory to God in the highest; on 
earth peace.” As the car with the children was passing, a hun- 
dred voices swelled the chorus of song, and as they rose, holding 
in their left hands a flag and waving it in keeping with the tunes, 
with the right they wafted kisses toward the imperial party, 
who threw them back in enthusiastic response. 

A hundred black horses, with their riders in dark-green uni- 
forms, formed one of the most admired features of the procession. 
These wore white sashes with devices in greep representing 
leaves worked in to excellent effect to make the word "Wel- 
come.” 

Next came a troop of boys in orderly ranks of ten, with sashes 
worn diagonally from left to right, every rank wearing a different 
color, and a bouquet of flowers on their right shoulders. Every 
sash bore the device "Welcome,” worked in with similar con- 
trasts as was seen on the car preceding them. E^ch of the hun- 
dred boys carried a garland of flowers interspersed with streamers 
that fluttered in the light breeze. The ranks were distinguished 
by a particular flower, each garland having a different hue. 

An interesting feature of the procession was a company of 
trained singers, known as the choristers, in white uniforms, their 
voices blending in perfect harmony with the bands of music. 

A series of wide, capacious wagons had artisans representing 
the different trades, and all busily engaged. They drew a con- 
tinued volley of cheers during the whole march. 

The Elastern dignitaries were in a paradise of entrancing joy. 
The chiming bells, ringing out their glad harmony, the sweet 
voices of the children in happy song, the music of the bands, the 
shouts of enthusiastic men, are they not all treasured in the 
minds, the memories, the hearts of the visitors, and will not the 


THE VISIT 


175 


beautiful pictures remain and linger and be recalled ten thousand 
times longer while life shall last? 

As on their return they passed around the square enclosing 
the great Cathedral of St. Isaac’s, and lifted up their eyes to its 
cupola, three hundred feet above the street, they listened to the 
organ swells and choir intoning the angelic anthem, ‘'Glory to 
God in the highest, on earth peace.” 

For two weeks the Eastern sovereigns prolonged their stay 
in St. Petersburg, their host varying the programme by visits to 
the different institutions in the city, drives in the country, theat- 
rical entertainments, concerts, etc., and being especially par- 
ticular to consult their wishes as to rest and seclusion. 

Invitations poured in from every capital in Europe. They had 
heard so much of the beauties of Paris, every one telling them 
that whatever they omitted they could not afford to miss the 
opportunity of visiting that city, that it was concluded to accept 
the hospitality of the French President. But they would not 
have extended their journey thus far had they not intended to 
include England in their trip. With Paris, its wonderful boule- 
vards, its palaces, its paintings, they were enraptured. Nor was 
the least of their surprises to see so many well-dressed men and 
women; they had never seen such a brilliant spectacle. 

For three days they were in a paradise of delight. Acting 
on a delicate suggestion from a Russian source, there were no 
military parades, not a soldier to be seen, nothing to remind the 
visitors of war. 

London was disappointing, but they could never see enough 
of the country. Its charming freshness and fertility, its woods 
and streams, were a constant source of pleased surprise, calling 
forth their most enthusiastic expressions. 

The hearty, open, unmistakable good feeling shown in the 
cheers of the people who greeted them on the journeys was one of 
the most gratifying features in their whole travelling experi- 
ence. 

Here they certainly expected to see some military display, hav- 
ing heard so much of the power of Great Britain, but the soldiers 
in the few places where they were stationed were intentionally 
kept in the background. 

Ten days were too short to do justice to the charms of the 
island, and the kindness and thoughtful consideration of their 


176 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


entertainers, leaving the most delightful memories to take back 
with them on their return to their homes. 

One beneficent result of their European visit was the stimulus 
it gave to the cause of peace. The burying of antipathies, the 
convincing evidence of good-will, the desire for a lasting friend- 
ship, all were so real, that too much praise cannot be given to the 
great hearts and minds among the Russian people who con- 
ceived the idea of the invitation and developed it to so practical 
and successful a conclusion. 


CHAPTER XXIV 


Confessions 
Love Crowns All 

What trait more charms us by its artless grace, 

Than candor’s virtue, most by angels prized; 

For cunning subterfuge with them is vain. 

Concealment useless to their keener sight; 

Beneath their glance the artifice is seen, 

The truth alone resplendent stands revealed. 

A WEEK from the events last recorded, an interesting group 
of distinguished celebrities had congregated in the west 
salon of the Peterhof palace. They had drawn together by 
mutual attraction, and, partially concealed by some tall flowering 
shrubs, formed a party, within a party, of congenial spirits. To be 
more precise, shall we name them ? The Emperor Michael, hand- 
some and well formed, with the Empress Augusta, pale but 
beautiful ; Count Tostoikoft, in his full intellectual vigor, his 
gray hair and noble character commanding the respect of all; 
David, the newly-created Archbishop of Moscow, in whom the 
reader will recognize the missionary priest of St. Petersburg, 
accompanied by his handsome wife, Sophia; and it is seemingly 
awkward to bring in at the last, the two who were really not the 
least in the company. Count Skienski, the Minister of Science, 
who looks so much like the ''Professor'’ of our story as to sug- 
gest his identity, and his beaming, vivacious wife, whom the 
Empress was noticed to address as Marina. 

Walking toward the Emperor, Sophia said: "Your gracious 
Majesty, I cannot thank you sufficiently for the beneficent work 
that you accomplished, the throwing open the prison doors, the 
restoration of dear ones to their families and homes, the 
bringing back of the virtually dead to the realities of an inspiring 
life. 


177 


178 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


''You, sire, brought light out of darkness; like a fairy genius 
you extracted comfort from misery; in place of despair, you 
established a faith mighty and victorious. Instead of being 
amidst the distractions that agitated the whole nation, that was 
bewildered in not knowing which way to turn for the relief it 
needed, that it felt it must have, longing for the liberty its aspira- 
tions told unmistakably was its rightful heritage, we now live in 
the supreme satisfaction, the joy of witnessing a people prosperous 
and happy, enjoying a freedom appreciated by all, from the sub- 
ject to the throne. 

"Against a century of misrule, against the power of its accu- 
mulating evil, you have placed the force of your imperial will, 
and in a day applied the remedy by issuing the decrees that have 
redeemed Russia from her degradation, and instilled into her 
people a new vitality. 

"A cruel and disastrous war, into which you entered unwill- 
ingly, and in which you never experienced any satisfaction, has 
been followed by an enduring peace, from which we all receive 
the most priceless ‘benefits ; and nothing has added more to your 
fame than the whole-souled way with which you have treated 
those formerly opposed to you in arms, transforming them from 
foes to life-long friends. 

"The ideals we cherished, hid away in the chambers of our 
minds and hearts, legacies from bright spirits that have passed 
beyond, beautiful things for which we longed with an unquench- 
able longing, are vitalized into realities. 

"The freedom for which we hoped, when we dared to hope, 
is here ; it is all around us, it is in the air we breathe. We read 
it in the faces of the people ; we see it in a new gladness in our 
children, the reflex of our own joy. 

"Russia has entered into the regeneration; she has been born 
again into the kingdom of peace and love.” 

The Emperor, glowing with animation, took the proffered hand 
of the beautiful woman, and modestly disclaimed the principal 
share in bringing about the revolution which had been so peace- 
ful and so beneficent. He remarked that he did not feel that he 
had accomplished anything beyond his duty, that others present, 
by their encouragement and stimulus, had strengthened his res- 
olution ; that he should never have succeeded in performing his 
part without their aid, foremost of whom was the one to whom the 


CONFESSIONS 


179 


honor, he believed, principally belonged. Leaving Sophia, he 
stepped toward Augusta, and placing one arm tenderly around 
her, said : ''If it had not been for you, my darling wife, the events 
which have made the age historic would never have been enacted 
in my reign. You, dearest, by your wonderful and delightful 
tact, your forceful arguments, your gentle but persuasive plead- 
ing, prevailed on my judgment. Even then I should not have 
acted to the full measure of my ability, if you had not used your 
quiet persistence in reminding me that I had the full, complete, 
undoubted power to accomplish what my heart desired, what 
my judgment affirmed, what my conscience approved. You 
told me that the opportunity was there, in the then emphatic Now, 
that all I had to do was to seize it before it was too late. You 
solemnly assured me that I had a duty to perform to my family, 
to the nation, to my God ; that I could not escape from the respon- 
sibility; that the divine right could only be pleaded by doing 
right ; that if I did not rule in righteousness, if I did not govern 
by love, I could not ask or expect to receive the divine bless- 
ing. 

The example that you pointed out to me from the character 
of Hannibal, whose name you wove in a book-mark with your 
own hands and making it eloquent by using your own hair, had 
a persistent and wonderful influence over me. The placing it 
in a book that I was reading, the curiosity you aroused in me to 
find out its origin, you knew could not fail to draw my keenest 
attention to the object. 

"When, in the face of an insistent conservatism, dreading to 
take a step which might make enemies of those who were imme- 
diately around me, and who through my gentleness and love of 
ease had become powerful, I hesitated, you upheld my hands 
and gave me a new courage and determination. Then in the 
office of seer you pointed out the sure and glorious results that 
would follow, a throne which needed not to be governed by 
bayonets, but was secure because upheld by the hearts and devo- 
tion of a united and sincerely loyal people. 

"Finally you pointed out, that of all men living, I had the 
supreme privilege of accomplishing by a word the change for 
which good men in every age of Christianity had longed and 
prayed, thus obeying our divine Lord and Master, who enjoined 
his disciples to love one another.” 


i8o 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


Relieving her of the pressure of his arm, and standing apart, 
he continued: ‘‘Added to the continued benefits that I received 
from your inestimable counsel and your loving encouragement, 
was a development which helped to crown all with beneficent 
results, forming a connecting link which, on retrospect, seemed 
indispensable to complete success, the creation and coming for- 
ward of the order of the Loyal Legion. I do not know how I 
can sufficiently thank them for the stanch loyalty that they dis- 
played, the willingness and promptness with which they came 
forward at the all-important time, and made my course sure and 
plain. 

“In the interests of truth and candor, I wish to acknowledge 
my great indebtedness to the press. To the editors the harsh 
censorship of the newspapers was galling and intolerable. Now, 
by conciliating them, I have secured their friendship. 

“Why should we shrink from criticism? Of course, we can- 
not properly designate by that name the bungling of an incom- 
petent, one mentally unfit, through ignorance or conceit, to 
judge a superior. To have a cold, carping, conscienceless pre- 
tender to dissect you alive is an experience which any one endowed 
with nerves might well desire to avoid. 

“I might attempt to shield myself from the attacks from abroad 
behind the plea that the dignity of the government and the rule 
that does not permit one nation to interfere with the internal 
regulations of another. Even this position was insufficient to 
shield me from foreign criticisms, that with great ingenuity, 
officially and through the press, were hurled against me. I was 
the mark, the target for the press; the author and the journalist 
seemed to be in a conspiracy to wreck my peace of mind. The 
editor of a little paper in the backwoods of America, in the ex- 
ercise of his right as a member of a free press, could not feel 
happy at times without taking the opportunity of throwing his 
lance against myself as the representative of the Russian system. 
He would argue in this manner : ‘Evils exist that all the civilized 
world admits are intolerable, there must be responsibility some- 
where ; the government is autocratic. Where else than to its head 
can we look to affix the blame for the unhappy condition of the 
people? If it was not the despotic ruler that governed, who was 
it that wore the crown?’ 

“And from his standpoint who can blame him? However 


CONFESSIONS 


i8i 


deeply the lancet of his criticism penetrated, however intensely 
mortifying to my pride, aside from any personal feelings in the 
matter, would not any impartial arbitrator judge that his posi- 
tion was correct? 

‘'Thus the successive stages of proof were incontrovertible. I 
was convicted before the world’s bar logically and morally. 

"A genuine, honest, high-toned criticism, by one qualified by 
largeness of mind and imbued with the spirit of judicial fair- 
ness, is soniething to appreciate and invite. The beau ideal of 
a critic is one who fearlessly points out defects, with the skill 
of an artist and the love of a friend. Such will always be valu- 
able, and for whose services to mankind all the world is wiser 
and richer.” 

At the conclusion, Augusta looked up to the face of the one with 
whom her life was entwined, with an ineffable tenderness, beauti- 
ful, responsive and confiding as the sweet trust of a child. Quiver- 
ing with emotion as a delighted satisfaction filled her whole being, 
her heart too full for words, she, by way of a grateful reply, 
kissed him warmly again and again. Then going to Marina, she 
took both her hands in hers, and with love and candor, in a 
simple but most pleasing artlessness, exclaimed : 'Tf it had not 
been for you, dear, the beneficent changes, of which we all are 
most grateful witnesses, would never have been effected, at 
least not in our time and reign. You, dear, were the one who 
brought to my attention the evils, the cruelty, the wickedness, of 
those among the reactionary ministry who tampered with the 
rights of man and answered lawful petitions with increased and 
relentless persecution. 

"You clearly pointed out that they mistook their position as 
ministers by interfering with the benevolent intentions and 
aspirations of their sovereign, counteracting his purposes for 
good, and thereby constituting themselves the real criminals. 
You enthusiastically indicated a better way, in which right and 
goodness should reign, and that subjects could be successfully 
governed by kindness. You, my dear friend, pleaded, argued 
with a grace, a charm that was irresistible. But what most 
pleased my woman’s heart, what drew you so magnetically toward 
me was the kindly, loyal manner in which you always spoke of 
the Emperor. You believed in him, in his goodness, in his benev- 
olent intentions, in his naturally generous disposition, ki his 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


182 

righteous purposes. But your strongest point was your im- 
pressing me with the idea that all he had to do was TO WILL 
that he had the power, that there was no obstacle to prevent its 
being exercised. Then you spoke of his responsibility, his duty, 
his opportunities. You urged my upholding him in his deter- 
mination by all the encouragements of which I was capable. 
You saw the end, the entire sense of security, the reign of peace.'' 

Marina, in turn, went over to her husband, and trembling with 
a glad delight, told him: ‘T should not have fulfilled my duty 
toward my Emperor and country if I did not openly acknowl- 
edge that it was your influence over me, that led me to plead so 
earnestly for freedom, for reconciliation, for peace. It was for 
you, the charmer of my life, my guiding star, my love, that I 
did all." And throwing herself in the glad arms of the Count 
she wept the tears of joy, while he reverentially embraced her 
and assured her that he was infinitely blessed in having an advo- 
cate at court so skillful and so good. 

‘'Now, dearest," she continued, “you have seen with your own 
eyes that for which you scarcely allowed yourself to hope. You 
are satisfied." 

“My darling, I am more than satisfied. What a marvel, what 
a blessedness love is, what infinite power it places in the hands 
of humanity ! For there is nothing that love sets out to do that 
it will fail in accomplishing. And it all began and ended — no, 
it will never end — with those blest words so full of sweetness, so 
pregnant with power — I — love — you." And at the end of each 
word he pressed a fond kiss on her lips, making her joy, her 
rapture and his own complete. 

After gallantly escorting her to a seat, he went over to Count 
Tolstoikoflf, and kissing him on both cheeks and holding his 
hands, admitted that he was forever and profoundly indebted to 
the writings and character of his dear friend for their influence 
over his own life. The light, the cheer, the truth, the hope, that 
had thus gone out had entered into his soul and blessed him with 
an infinite encouragement and comforting assurance. 

The Minister of Peace, taken by surprise at this unexpected 
turn, was profoundly moved as he took the proffered hands of 
his fellow Minister with great warmth and fervency. “A life 


CONFESSIONS 


183 

time of toil/' he remarked, ‘‘would be amply repaid by the experi- 
ences of one evening like this. If by my writings I have helped 
you, Count, to recognize the truth that there is a cure for the 
evils that afflict humanity, I am grateful to have been in some 
measure the means through which the light came, for it has only 
one source, the Father of Light.” 

Slightly turning, the venerable nobleman, noble in character 
and lineage, advanced toward his sovereign, who had already 
divined the intention, and reciprocated by extending both his 
hands and grasping the Count's, lovingly and tenderly. “Accept, 
sire,” the Count pleaded, “my assurance that this is the happiest 
moment of my life. When years ago those who were opposed 
to my plans for the regeneration of our beloved country sought 
my destruction or my exile, and when you would not permit harm 
to come to me, I felt that you were my friend. When afterward 
on that memorable day you unmistakably assured the world that 
you had taken me under your protection by publicly embracing 
me, it was then I felt that a stronger principle than friendship 
guided your action. 

‘^Ardently I return taat love, that would not shrink from any 
sacrifice that might be called for on your behalf.” 

Tears glistened in the eyes of the Emperor as he responded 
out of an overflowing heart : “My mentor, my friend, I should be 
false to myself if I failed to acknowledge the inestimable benefit 
I have received from your works. Through them I became in 
some measure acquainted with your character, your life, your 
motives, your ideals. I realized that your one aim was the truth, 
that you had a great heart that took the world within its embrace. 
While I have life and strength and power, no arm shall be up- 
lifted against you. I accept, Count, your love and your devotion 
in the same appreciative way in which it is offered, and in the 
depths of my heart there will always be a warm spot in which 
yours shall enter.” 

Last of all the Archbishop slowly arose, and in mellow accents, 
with a voice breathing of spirituality and tenderness, said : “There 
are some moments in our lives when we seem translated into 
the heavenly heights, when we are surrounded with angelic 
influences, and the divine satisfaction fills our souls with joy so 


84 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


deep as to be beyond expression into words. Into such an up- 
lifting we have entered now. We can only accept the blessing 
and rejoice.’^ 

Then, with both arms extended upward, he impressively and 
devoutly uttered the benediction : ''God bless you all, my children. 
Blessed are the peacemakers. Love has accomplished its work; 
it has consecrated the means. For our highest honor is to be 
as instruments in the divine hands. For God is love.” 


THE END. 


POEM 185 

By request the following lines are inserted, taken from “Joy 
Bells,” published in 1901. 

WAITING THE IMPERIAL MANDATE 

Through the midnight watches restless, full of love for fellow man, 
While I drew the mystic curtain that I might the future scan. 

In a reverie then falling, evils saw I so appalling. 

Longed for some supernal light. 

On the cause of man and right. 

Nor let wrongs stay as they are. 

Dreamed of being Russia’s Tsar. 

Oh ! were I the Tsar of Russia, in my country war should cease. 

There should be no standing army, mine would be a reigij of peace ; 

On the poor no more oppression, nor on foreign lands aggression! 

I would have all men to love me. 

Only God and Christ above me. 

Father of my people be. 

Ruling all in equity. 

Poland then should hail her freedom, Warsaw’s bells her new joy ring, 
Finland keep her old time charter, Israel’s sons with gladness sing. 
With no parliament to wrangle, nor a need for votes to angle, 

I would sweep oppo sings by. 

None should dare my right deny. 

And in truth’s all righteous cause 
I would legislate new laws. 

For too long my loyal people, ’neath coercion’s heel have groaned. 

Not alone with power I’d govern, I would be in hearts enthroned; 

They should be repressed no longer love than law should prove the 
stronger. 

For the nihilist no need. 

Nor subscriptions to a creed. 

All in worship should delight 
As their conscience showed the right. 

I alone would be the master, none should e’er my will gainsay. 

From Pacific to the Baltic only one paternal sway. 

And in love my power maintaining, over hearts and souls be reigning. 
While the empire’s watchword, “Peace,” 

Should in tone and force increase. 

Till the nations all around 
Echoed back the welcome soimd. 

Seeking no fresh fields to conquer., for my people I would live. 

For their weal self-consecrating, all my powers and talents give; 

Swords to pruning-hooks be turning, lust of war and conquest spurning. 


i86 


THE WAY OF PEACE 


Spears recast in ploughshares’ mould. 

As in prophecy foretold ; 

Through the empire every bell 
Should the song of freedom tell. 

But some small soul courage lacking may decry the best laid plan; 
All such nerveless bloodless creatures have no love for fellow man; 
Faithless, laggard unbelievers are but shallow false deceivers., 

They will need to stand aside, 

In the darkness slinking hide, 

While in her onsweeping car. 

Progress’ aids resistless are. 

I would have a roll of honor where the highest, noblest prize 
Should to sages be awarded who the greatest good devise; 

Barracks into schools constructed, every Russian child instructed; 
While the leaders trained to kill 
Should glad peace in minds instill. 

And on every comrade call 
In the common cause of all. 

Oh ! the world is sadly weary of the war-fiend’s ghastly sway, 

And is longing, ever longing, for that better, holier day 
When all strife besetting nation shall be stayed by arbitration. 

No cause could be more sublime, 

Nor more opportune th^ time. 

Nothing waits it but the word; 

Shall the voice for peace be heard? 

When the nations rage no longer, hear no more war’s blatant drum, 
Good will reign with every fellow, and the halcyon days shall come, 
Then with joy the nations thrilling shall the prophet’s word fulfilling 
Make all heaven and earth rejoice 
With uplifted, ringing voice. 

When through men the Prince of Peace 
Bids henceforth that war shall cease. 

This is no crude, airy vision, not an empty, flighty dream. 

All and more could be enacted with a heart and will supreme; 

Nor to nobles need to pander when the patriot Alexander 
By a magic stroke of pen. 

Vassal serfs transformed to men; 

He, the first in Russia’s fame. 

Millions bless his honored name. 

Doubts and fears as baseless vanish; faith assures it can be done; 

Only waits imperial mandate, only waits the word of one 
Who the richer for the giving has the power to bless all living. 

Do whate’er we will or may, 

Peace shall reign in boundless sway. 

Angels call from homes afar 
Do thy duty, Russians Tsar.^^ 

















